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and the pro-British minority in the Confederacy. Turner does note, how- ever, that even though Hope stomached assisting Henry Hotze, a Swiss- born Confederate agent and propagandist, “Hotze’s racial prejudice was too much even for staunch pro-southerners” (88). Turner, then, could have markedly improved his book merely by pointing out that Hope and like- minded pro-Confederate Britons sympathized with a Confederacy that existed more in their own minds than in the actual Confederacy, which blatantly championed democratic equality among whites and white racial dominance rather than social hierarchy regardless of race. Yet Turner’s unexamined assumptions and analytical inconsistencies should not deter any readers from picking up his otherwise fascinating, informative, and well-researched book. Similar interpretative limitations to Turner’s are ubiquitous in recent Civil War historiography. Pro-British ex-Confederates rose to political power as well as cultural dominance in southern states during the 1870s, and they depicted the Confederacy as the kind of polity they wished it had actually been by means of, in Turner’s words, “the Lost Cause movement” (250), which presented the South as “the best representation of Anglo-Saxon culture” in the Americas (252). By unthinkingly accepting a misleading premise that the Confederacy had been a would-be junior ally
The Journal of the Civil War Era – University of North Carolina Press
Published: Feb 15, 2022
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