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Losing site: Architecture, memory and place

Losing site: Architecture, memory and place Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 281 build their own versions of colonial hill stations – luxurious enclaves the author appropriately describes as ‘conjoined sites of tourism and governance’. (4) From these bases, boosters and developers saw tropical tourism as a vehicle to attract virtuous white US settlers prior to World War I. A series of ‘vices’ associated with black, Spanish, or native Hawaiian culture (the rumba, bullfighting, and hula, among others) generally found official disfavor, despite their popularity among US tourists. After the war, authorities in both places set aside tourism as settlement strat- egy, embraced excess and vice, and marketed to tourists the ‘barbaric’ pleasures associated with once-powerful local aristocracies. The rise of vice tourism went hand-in-hand with increasingly corrupt and exclusionary governments with ties to elites: in Hawaiï the long-domi- nant haole class; in Cuba, a clientelist ruling class linked to the USA. Tourism became a site where nationalists in Cuba and multiracial statehood advocates in Hawaiï joined battle with those elites, arguing that tourism was ‘a symbol and source of racism and imperialism’ (12). 1959 brought these struggles to a conclusion. It is no small irony that tourist narratives played an important role in the http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change Taylor & Francis

Losing site: Architecture, memory and place

Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change , Volume 10 (3): 4 – Sep 1, 2012
4 pages

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Publisher
Taylor & Francis
Copyright
Copyright Paul Hardin Kapp
ISSN
1747-7654
eISSN
1476-6825
DOI
10.1080/14766825.2012.712476
Publisher site
See Article on Publisher Site

Abstract

Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 281 build their own versions of colonial hill stations – luxurious enclaves the author appropriately describes as ‘conjoined sites of tourism and governance’. (4) From these bases, boosters and developers saw tropical tourism as a vehicle to attract virtuous white US settlers prior to World War I. A series of ‘vices’ associated with black, Spanish, or native Hawaiian culture (the rumba, bullfighting, and hula, among others) generally found official disfavor, despite their popularity among US tourists. After the war, authorities in both places set aside tourism as settlement strat- egy, embraced excess and vice, and marketed to tourists the ‘barbaric’ pleasures associated with once-powerful local aristocracies. The rise of vice tourism went hand-in-hand with increasingly corrupt and exclusionary governments with ties to elites: in Hawaiï the long-domi- nant haole class; in Cuba, a clientelist ruling class linked to the USA. Tourism became a site where nationalists in Cuba and multiracial statehood advocates in Hawaiï joined battle with those elites, arguing that tourism was ‘a symbol and source of racism and imperialism’ (12). 1959 brought these struggles to a conclusion. It is no small irony that tourist narratives played an important role in the

Journal

Journal of Tourism and Cultural ChangeTaylor & Francis

Published: Sep 1, 2012

There are no references for this article.