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Green infrastructure in informal unplanned settlements: the case of Kya Sands, Johannesburg

Green infrastructure in informal unplanned settlements: the case of Kya Sands, Johannesburg INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 2019, VOL. 11, NO. 1, 68–80 https://doi.org/10.1080/19463138.2019.1565412 ARTICLE Green infrastructure in informal unplanned settlements: the case of Kya Sands, Johannesburg a,b Olumuyiwa Bayode Adegun a b Department of Architecture, Federal University of Technology, Akure, Nigeria; School of Architecture and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY Received 18 May 2018 In urban areas, green spaces and natural ecosystems can be a source of benefits to Accepted 16 December 2018 different socio-economic classes of residents, including those within unplanned informal settlements. Using a qualitative research approach, this study brings to light some of the KEYWORDS existing green infrastructure (domestic gardens, informal parks, open spaces, stream with Slums upgrading; urban wetlands and the riparian corridor) in Kya Sands informal settlement in Johannesburg. It greening; informal shows the way residents utilise green infrastructure and perceptions of their usefulness. settlements; parks; The relevance of green infrastructure in the context of informal unplanned settlements ecological infrastructure became clearer. In the absence of state interventions, self-help initiatives in greening were observed in the study. Productive collaboration with the state and relevant non-govern- mental organisations is necessary for upgrading and to overcome limitations of individual initiatives within the community. The paper contributes to the growing body of knowl- edge on greening in low-income, informal and unplanned urban environments. Africa and developing countries generally. Scholars 1. Introduction have examined green infrastructure in the context of Green spaces and natural ecosystems are a vital low-income urban contexts, especially within formally resource in cities. Their functioning as urban green planned (but low-income) townships in South Africa infrastructure can be a source of benefits to different (see for example, Lubbe et al. 2010; Cilliers et al. 2013; socio-economic classes of residents within urban areas. Kaoma and Shackleton 2014;Cock et al. 2016; Adegun They can also involve some negative and undesirable 2018) and elsewhere in Africa (Mng’ong’o 2004; aspects (Lyytimaki and Sipila 2009). Informality is a Seburanga et al. 2014). These studies clearly estab- notable character in the way people relate with nature lished the fact that low-income households directly in cities. Across developing countries, informal settle- depend on the natural resource environment for their ments are often established near streams, on river lives and livelihood. For instance, Lubbe et al. (2010) banks, within or by wetlands, on steep hillsides or analysed plant diversity patterns across six urban resi- servitudes, buffer strips and other forms of interstitial dential typologies, including informal settlements, peri- space (Huchzermeyer 2011; Kohli et al. 2012;Adegun urban formal townships and up-market neighbour- 2017). Such spaces may be of ecological significance hoods in Potchefstroom (South Africa). The study and biodiversity wealth. In course of undertaking var- found that ‘a relatively strong negative relationship ious activities, informal settlers also encroach on formal exists for fruit trees and socio-economic status green spaces, especially urban parks (Bhattacharya (R = 0.65), suggesting that poorer households grow 2014; Israt and Adam 2017). more fruit trees’ to avoid dependence on market pro- There has been increasing attention to green infra- ducts, gain additional income and improve livelihoods structure in recent literature on urbanism in sub-Sahara (Lubbe et al. 2010,p.907). CONTACT Olumuyiwa Bayode Adegun muyiwaadegun@yahoo.co.uk Department of Architecture, Federal University of Technology, PMB 704, Akure, Nigeria © 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 69 Only a few studies have considered greening and This paper is based on a study of Kya Sands natural ecosystems in the context of informal informal settlement. The settlement accommodates unplanned settlements in South Africa (for example, poor individuals and socio-economically weak house- Sachikonye et al. 2016; Dalu and Shackleton 2018) holds and is presently one of the largest informal and elsewhere in Africa (Waters 2013; Roy et al. 2018). unplanned settlements in Johannesburg, South Sachikonye et al. (2016) show that a NGO’s Trees for Africa. The settlement contains small pockets of Homes Programme in Zandspruit settlement green spaces. A stream, with wetlands, flow through (Johannesburg) promoted some aspects of sustainable Kya Sands settlement. These ecological characteris- livelihoods among the poor residents. The pro- tics provide opportunity to investigate different gramme’s success, sustainability and upscaling were dimensions of the residents’ relationship with green however detracted through politically influenced and spaces and natural ecosystems. After presenting uncertain development trajectory for the informal set- information about the emergence, growth and level tlement. In their survey of informal unplanned settle- of basic services in the settlement, the paper explains ments within three South African towns, Dalu and methods used for data collection in the study area. Shackleton (2018) found that ‘natural resources con- Through its description and discussion on types of tributed up to 70% to recovery of households from green infrastructure in the settlement – gardens, flood shock’. These resources were mostly utilised for ‘parks’, a sports field – the traversing North Riding reconstruction of housing damaged through flooding. stream (its riparian space and wetlands), this study From four informal settlements in Dar es Salaam in attempts to contribute to the growing body of Tanzania, Roy et al’s(2018) identified, among others, knowledge on greening in low-income, informal innovative individual initiatives related to green infra- and unplanned urban environments. structure. Although ‘access to external support for informal communities has remained consistently low, 2. Study area … practices employed by informal dwellers show determination, ingenuity and capacity for collective Kya Sands informal settlement (named after the action’ (ibid:291.). neighbouring Kya Sands industrial area) is located More knowledge about green infrastructure about 36 km north of Johannesburg’sCentral within informal unplanned settlements in South Business District (CBD). It sits on publicly and privately Africa is needed. This is necessary to counter the owned land. It lies to the east of the industrial area. An historical notion among some urbanists that the old landfill sits to the south and the middle-class ‘consideration of bio-physical conditions is some- Bloubosrand residential area is to the south-east (see thing of a luxury in these [informal] areas’, and there- Figure 1). The North Riding Stream, also known as Kya fore not important (Quilan and McCarthy 1995, p. 95). Sands Spruit, flows through it. This stream, ‘which has By establishing its importance, this study contributes been classified as non-perennial becoming perennial’ towards broader debates in wider literature on the is a tributary of the northerly flowing Klein Jukskei intersections between environmental sustainability/ River and part of Johannesburg’sJukskei catchment climate change adaptation and urban informality/ (Geozone Geoservices 2013, p. 4). The stream’swet- poverty. There is growing recognition that global land, flora and fauna it contains, the riparian corridor green agendas must engage with the informal sector, as well as non-riparian green spaces (e.g. domestic a ubiquitous character within cities in developing gardens) give a natural ecosystem dimension to the countries (Smit and Musango 2015; Brown and informal settlement. This provides opportunity to McGranahan 2016; Hardman et al. 2018). Inclusive, investigate the role and potentials of green infrastruc- sustainable, resilient and safe forms of housing and ture in the area. urban development in developing countries, as tar- What is now known as Kya Sands settlement started geted in the global Sustainable Development Goal around 1989 as informal shelter for people working in 11, cannot be achieved without engagement with the old landfill site (Weakley 2013). The workers occu- this sector. Informal unplanned settlements are a pied vacant land to the west of the stream. In the notable form of urban shelter for the majority poor recollection of a resident, the settlement started in residents in African cities and therefore cannot be 1990 with about 169 people (personal communication, overlooked. Resident 6, 31 May 2014). In 2007, the municipality 70 O. B. ADEGUN Figure 1. Kya Sands settlement’s boundary, surrounding areas and the North Riding stream. Image adapted from Google Satellite Map of December 2015. (City of Johannesburg) estimates that over 7500 peo- demarcated stands usually have a VIP toilet within the ple live in 1200 dwelling units in the settlement (CoJ stand. In areas where there is little space between 2007a). More recent statistics shows that Kya Sands shacks/dwellings or within stands, chemical toilets are settlement contains over 16,238 people, living in provided in open spaces, for easy access. High-mast about 5325 dwellings that accommodate not less lights placed in a few locations provide limited public than 3000 households (Professional Mobile Mapping space illumination. These services are insufficient when 2009;Huchzermeyer et al. 2014). compared with the settlement’s total population. From 2007, the municipality has been providing Frustrations with poor service delivery within the set- interim services – limited potable water, sanitation tlement have been expressed through protests and and waste removal. Forty-eight communal taps, 12 other forms of targeted disruptions, as reported in the stationary water tanks and 120 toilets were installed media (Nicolson 2012; Lindeque 2013). in 2007. Additional 18 standpipes were installed in 2014 (City of Johannesburg 2007a; personal commu- 3. Research methods nication, Kya Sands Community leader, 14 November 2014). Chemical (plastic) toilets and Ventilated This study draws on qualitative methodology and Improved Pit Latrines (VIPs) are the two types of toilets research methods. Qualitative methodology allows var- available in the settlement. Dwellings within ious strategies of inquiry and iterative steps in data INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 71 collection and analysis for this kind of topic being in the informal settlement. Community meetings (see considered (Creswell 2009). This methodology can Figure 2), field trips, class presentations, studio work lead to well-nuanced results. There were in-depth and other pedagogic activities forming part of the semi-structured interviews with 13 residents and 8 author’s participation in the two events were useful key informants as well as transect walks with residents. for data collection and deepened the author’sengage- Involvement in pedagogic activities within the informal ments in the settlement. settlement also supported data collection. The residents interviewed were selected through random sampling. The residents interviewed were 4. Components of green infrastructure in spread across different sections of the settlement to Kya Sands settlement ensure views from each part are represented. Four 4.1. Domestic gardens persons who live close to the stream were purpo- sively selected within the random sample. The key In this context, gardens refer to vegetation and vege- informants are persons involved with interventions tated spaces within stands. These range from plants within informal settlements and those knowledge- in containers arranged around a shack’s plinth to a able on environment-related issues in Johannesburg few square metres of vegetation on the ground (see and South Africa at large. These persons are non- Figure 3). The gardens are usually irrigated with residents of the settlement. In addition, this research water from communal taps and rarely with water utilised transect walks with volunteer residents to from the stream. A link between demarcated plots ‘connect what participants say with where they and the type of gardens included was observed. [talked about]’ (Jones 2008, p. 1) and prompt con- There are smaller and fewer gardens around dwell- versations about histories, constructs and expecta- ings that do not have demarcated stands. Plants in tions that did not emerge through the in-depth containers around a shack’s plinth are the common interviews. In total, three transect walks were held – type of garden in such situation. two in 2014 and one later in 2015. The domestic gardens serve various purposes. During fieldwork, the author was part of the teach- They provide food. An interviewee said: ‘we cook ing cohort for a second-year Undergraduate course on some, some are taken by people [with permission, ‘Contemporary Design and Environmental Issues’ and but] I don’t sell them’ (personal communication, an International Transdisciplinary Workshop on Resident 9, 6 June 2014). The contribution of gardens ‘Reshaping Socio-ecological landscapes through colla- to household food consumption in the settlement is borative practices’. Broadly, the course and workshop meagre because not all households have a garden. involved attempts to develop and fine-tune commu- Harvests are generally in small quantities, a situation nity-initiated vision for socio-ecological improvements that resonates with van Averberke’s(2007) findings Figure 2. Meeting and presentation at a community centre (left) and Church (right) in Kya Sands settlement. Source: Author’s Photographs, September 2014/2015. 72 O. B. ADEGUN Figure 3. Some of the domestic gardens in Kya Sands Settlement. Source: Author’s Photographs, May/June 2014. that domestic gardeners in Pretoria settlements har- grow plants to beautify their immediate environment vested 1.7 kg of fresh food in a month – a meagre (Figure 3). Since ‘they [plants] smell nice and I just 6.7% of a household’s recommended monthly vege- love them’, a resident declared that he ‘uses the table food intake. Notwithstanding, the possibility of [plant] leaves for indoor fragrance or … as medicine’ monetary gains still motivates some residents. A resi- (personal communication, Resident 10, 6 June 2014). dent has plans to ‘grow these trees, chop them up, Some gardens are artistic, thus serving as a means of sell them for firewood or build with them’ (personal creative self-expression that fosters a sense of attach- communication, Resident 2, 30 May 2014) while ment to place. another one hopes to ‘make vegetable gardens and Temperature and wind (micro-climate) control plant vegetables to sell in order to generate income. benefits were also reported. Some interviewees People do love vegetables here’ (personal commu- associate trees in gardens with fresh air, believing nication, Resident 7, 6 June 2014). If residents’ tenure that ‘when it’s hot, it releases [cool breeze, so] we in the settlement is secured, ‘I will grow food (maybe sit under the trees … to benefit from oxygen’ (per- cabbages), and since I have gardening experience, I sonal communication, Resident 8, 6 June 2014). They would grow, cut and sell them’ (personal communi- also acknowledged that trees around the shack pro- cation, Resident 10, 6 June 2014), another retorted. tect its roofing sheets – preventing them from flying Gardening in Kya Sands is typically a leisure-time off during strong winds. activity as no resident reports it as primary occupa- Certain factors hamper successful domestic gar- tion. The gardens contribute aesthetics, thus enhan- dening in Kya Sands settlement and full realisation of cing psychological well-being. Notwithstanding the its benefits. Insufficient or outright lack of space is nature of shacks or size of respective stands, some the most reported obstacle. There is a popular notion INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 73 among the residents that once you have space, you collection of vulnerable (orphans, HIV-affected) people will have a garden. A resident says ‘if I have space I living in Kya Sands and nearby Msawawa settlements. would have a few plants: But when you don’t have The 18Kya Sandsresidents (16women and2 men) who space you don’t even think of things like that’ (per- started the communal garden came together due to sonal communication, Resident 3, 31 May 2014), need for mutual support and transport fare to attend another believes ‘I would benefit from having my treatment at clinics. The 180sqmgarden is locatedon own garden through the provision of bigger plots’ the settlement’s western edge (see Figure 4). The sup- (personal communication, Resident 4, 31 May 2014). port group members generally worked there between A resident feels that ‘though they can’t build us the 8 am and 2 pm, planting cabbage, spinach, maize and houses but give us space where you know this is my tomatoes. Products from the garden were either con- space, I can do everything’ (personal communication, sumed by the members or sold in the settlement. Sales Resident 2, 30 May 2014). They hinge their fulfilment did not yield much, as there are days ‘only two people in gardening on acquiring more space. would buy, and maybe [we’ll] make R12 that day’ (per- sonal communication, Resident 11, 6 June 2014). Membership dropped as people found employment 4.2. Benefits from communal gardens and the garden eventually closed. Early in 2015, a children-focussed non-for-profit As at late 2014, there were two communal gardens in organisation started operating in the settlement. It Kya Sands settlement. The first one – Thandanani garden developed a creche facility in a location close to the started in 2007 as a church-funded project initiated by a Figure 4. Location of communal gardens, parks and soccer pitch in Kya Sands settlement. Source: Google Satellite Image, November 2015. 74 O. B. ADEGUN defunct garden within Kya Sands settlement. The sitting area/seats and play equipment made from organisation started operating the abandoned gar- recycled materials and waste products like old tyres, den space to grow food which, during the field work, tree trunks and timber off-cuts. The ‘parks’ are used solely contributes to the crèche’s mid-day meal. for recreational purposes and social activities. Men The second communal garden in Kya Sands gather there on weekends, they drink, ‘relax, enjoy started in early 2015. It was established by a not- themselves and watch soccer sometimes’, thus ser- for-profit affiliate of a Christian Ministry that has been ving as an alternative to indoor shebeens (personal operating in the settlement since 1998. The garden is communication, Resident 4, 31 May 2014). part of the NPO’s proposed agricultural programme In some instances, self-help attempts to develop intended to socio-economically uplift Kya Sands resi- parks were derailed, because planting took place in dents. Presently, food from the garden goes into the winter – meaning that plants did not get enough rain NPO’s weekly community kitchen where children water – and because of improper waste disposal – from Kya Sands are fed (Kamp 2015). As at the time people disposing contaminated grey water and solid of field work, gardening activities are mainly under- waste on plants and vandalism. A young man who, taken by volunteers who come from various areas in together with friends, tried but failed said ‘maybe we Johannesburg. Participation from interested Kya would have benefited if the park successfully went Sands residents is also welcomed. on. We only tried creating it. Half-way, things started The two communal gardens are productive, mate- getting destroyed, like the plants and tyres: before rially and socially while serving to improve quality of two months, everything was destroyed’ (personal life and environmental quality in the settlement. As communication, Resident 3, 31 May 2014). Thandanani garden shows, regular meetings, work- Johannesburg City Parks and Zoo (JCPZ), the ing together, peer-support and mutual aspirations municipal entity responsible for green open spaces potentially enhanced the vulnerable group’s hopes and parks in Johannesburg, does not contribute to for a better life. Volunteer participation in the gar- these self-constructed green open spaces. The lea- dens provides an opportunity to serve and socialise, dership of Kya Sand settlement wrote to JCPZ in which enhances social capital. Communal gardens’ March 2013 seeking its assistance with the develop- contribution to social capital has been reported in ment of green open spaces. According to the reply other informal settlements locally (Kornienko 2013). received ‘they cannot do anything here… they can Beyond social capital, communal gardens such as the only help with, for example, if there is a tree on the ones in Kya Sands can support socio-ecological jus- road. They can come to cut it’ because Kya Sand is tice and empowerment in the context of deprivation not a formal settlement (personal communication, (Ferris et al. 2001). Community Leader, 31 May 2014). Non-governmental organisations also do not sup- port these informal parks because of the state’s pol- 4.3. ‘Park’ initiatives icy which casts uncertainty on the permanence or Given that Kya Sands is not formalised, and given temporariness of different informal settlements. that green open spaces are not considered interim Conditions attached to funding received by NGOs basic services, there is no municipal provision of may not support working in such context. parks in the settlement. Responding to the absence According to an officer at Food and Trees for Africa, of this amenity, residents developed vegetated out- his organisation ‘do not do [work] in informal settle- door spaces, herein referred to as ‘parks’, although ments … because maybe the government can just they are not exactly what is obtainable in the formal come and tear off the settlement … even if we get sense of parks. Locations and pictures of the informal calls [from informal settlements] we won’t be able to parks identified, numbered 1–5, are shown in Figures go and plant trees’ (personal communication, F&FTA 4 and 5, respectively. Officer, 12 November 2014). An individual and group of few residents usually Access to these small parks is in some cases spearhead the parks’ development. The physical con- restricted. In certain instances, access is denied to struction is executed by members of household, certain groups of people. For example, Limpopo friends and interested residents. The parks consist mini-park does not admit women (see Figure 6). of basic components such as trees, shrubs, flowers, Park 5 (below left in Figure 5) is being developed INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 75 Figure 5. Informal parks in Kya Sand settlement. Source: Author’s Photographs, May/June2014. by an entrepreneur (a resident) who proposed a charge for users. The fixtures in some do not make them child-friendly. Park 4 (top right Figure 5)is bordered by barbed wires which is not safe for children. Although they contribute to environmen- tal sustainability, the exclusionary tendencies of theseparks can belinkedtothe socio-economic setting. For example, using parks for income gen- eration emerges from a need to recover cost or as livelihood strategy. Child-friendly fixtures would cost what the informal developers or poor resi- dents might be unable to afford. Given the socio- economic setting, one may not expect too much Figure 6. Signage at the Limpopo Mini-park in Kya Sands settlement. around inclusion from these self-help initiatives at Source: Author’s Photograph, June 2014. the local level. 76 O. B. ADEGUN That no substantive green space intervention is 4.5. The North Riding stream and riparian made or existing self-help efforts supported by the corridor municipality or NGOs excludes the residents from The North Riding stream is a notable ecological benefits associated with formal green spaces. resource in the community, providing a range of pro- ‘Informal’ labelling of the settlement in terms of ducts and services to the residents. It was the main municipal services is not just exclusionary but pro- source of water when the settlement was established. blematic. It perpetuates historical disadvantage and Speaking of the late 1980s and early 1990s, one of the makes existing injustices fester. Social and environ- first residents said ‘the river was smaller … we were still mental justice cannot be achieved if the state and able to wash our clothes and bath ourselves with water NGOs do not play appropriate roles on green infra- collected there, unlike now when it is polluted’ (perso- structure in informal settlements. nal communication, Kya Sands Resident 6, May 2014). Change in the size of the stream, in terms of higher flow, is likely to be the result of upstream development 4.4. The local soccer pitch that led to reduced opportunities for water seepage into the soil, meaning increased run-off into the stream. There is an open space used in the evenings and At the time of field work, some residents still used the on weekends mainly for football activities in the stream to complement water supply accessed via com- settlement. Like most soccer pitches in informal munal standpipes. When there is no water from the settlements, this open space is not vegetated (see taps, the stream provides water for irrigation. Although Figure 7). Any grass seeding there cannot grow only a resident said he ‘scoops some with a bucket to because it is trampled on by the sportsmen and water a few of our plants’ (personal communication, spectators. It is a notablerecreationalspace that Kya Sands Resident 7, 6 June 2014). Water from the contributes to social life. As a valuable space that stream is used to prepare mortar and concrete during facilitates community cohesion, it has not been construction. Laundry and other washing also take encroached upon as the settlement expanded. place in the stream (see Figure 8). Different categories of people (men and women, Apart from water, residents also derive other ben- young and old) freely gather around the pitch to efits from the stream. Early occupants harvested watch and partake in sporting activities (see reeds from the wetlands to roof huts they lived in Figure 7). Figure 7. Soccer game underway on the pitch in Kya Sands settlement. Source: Author’s Photograph, Sunday 25 May 2014. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 77 Construction and gardening companies regularly dump waste materials such as sawn tree trunks and rubble in the riparian corridor and wetland (see Figure 9). Although disconcerting from an ecological view, some residents have an informal arrangement with the companies to dump for free or amounts much lower than should have been paid at official dump sites because materials can be salvaged (Kamp 2015). The police are aware of this but were not halting dumping probably because of the material benefits involved (personal communication, Kya Sands Community leader, September 2015). Residents sal- Figure 8. Residents washing paint containers in the stream next to a vage timber from the dump site and use it as fuel for dumping area. cooking and heating. Entrepreneurs salvage bricks Source: Author’s Photograph, November 2014. from the dumps, clean these of cement and sell them for construction in the settlement. A stack of 1000 (personal communication, Resident 6, May 2014). cleaned bricks could sell for R1000 (personal commu- Sand (fine aggregate) used to prepare concrete/mor- nication, Resident 13, 17 September 2015). Salvaging tar for plastering is excavated from the streambed. and re-use of bricks of course is a sustainable practice, The stream supplements available sanitation – mak- but the process in Kya Sands has gradually encroached ing up for the locational disadvantages of toilets and upon the wetland and riparian corridor, limiting their absence of proper drainage. Residents living in functioning as green infrastructure. shacks/stands without a toilet or those passing by The riparian corridor is regarded as useful for various urinate in the riparian corridor. Used sanitary items reasons. Speaking of the time they first occupied Kya such as toilet paper (or its common substitute, news- Sands, one of the residents said ‘we would chop down paper), nappies/diapers as well as human excrement the trees and use the wood to build our structures. are disposed directly into the stream. Grey water is There was wildlife. We would hear them roar, but they also emptied into the stream. A resident admitted never bothered us’ (personal communication, Resident that ‘we use it like, as everything; as you can see, it is 5, 31 May 2014). Although wildlife (non-domesticated used as the dumping area, like a dust bin and as a animal species) has presently disappeared from the drain’ (personal communication, Resident 3, 31 May riparian corridor, their benignity was noteworthy. A 2014). religious group used to congregate in open space by Figure 9. Dumping waste in the riparian corridor and wetland in Kya Sands settlement. Source: Author’s Photographs, May 2014. 78 O. B. ADEGUN households depend directly on the natural resource environment for their lives and livelihood (Nadkarni 2000; Cilliers et al. 2013; Waters 2013). Transactions associated with the communal gar- dens contribute to social capital within the settlement. By creating spaces for face-to-face interactions which promotes social cohesion among vulnerable residents or otherwise, the gardens are a useful route to com- munity resilience. This outcome concurs with Birtchnell et al. (2018) who identified meeting social needs as one of the notable benefits of urban green infrastructure within Dakar’s slums. Affirmation of Figure 10. Children playing in the Stream while a resident collects water. masculinities through exclusion of women in one of Source: Author’s Photograph, May 2014. the parks, though not new in South Africa’s informal settlements (Gibbs et al. 2014), appears contradictory to this benign social milieu. It must not be encour- the riparian corridor. The group fetched water, used as aged, as it stands. part of their religious rituals, from the stream, but this is In situ interventions, if considered for Kya Sands no longer possible because it is now polluted. settlement, could explore substantive contribution The residents appreciate trees in the riparian corri- from formally developing components of green infra- dor. Since the trees provide shade, ‘people go and sit in structure. The sports field is a space that fosters inclu- these spaces and enjoy themselves’, a young man said sion and can enhance quality of life. It can be properly (personal communication, Resident 4, 31 May 2014). vegetated. In this situation, it can provide temporary Another resident commented that ‘I sometimes go storage for run-off after precipitation, thus comple- there to relax and listen to birds chirp. The things I menting any form of drainage infrastructure available. like there are the rocks on the river bank, where I Greening the field, however, must consider local reali- normally relax – it’s cool and quiet’ (personal commu- ties and not disrupt the residents’ connections to it. Le nication, Kya Sands Resident 10, 31 June 2014). The Roux’s(2014) explained that, after an informal soccer riparian space also serves as a play area for children pitch in Kwathema Township (East Johannesburg) was (see Figure 10), although it is not safe because of the vegetated by the government, it rapidly fell into dis- stream’s polluted condition and collapsed bank. use because of erratic maintenance and the bureau- While most of the afore-mentioned activities leave cratic outside control that ensued. The wetland could the stream polluted, pollutants also enter from be cleaned and reconstructed to restore the ecosys- upstream – from the adjoining Kya Sand industrial tem as well as enhance its flood control and water area. These decimates the stream’s capacity and purification capacities. The riparian corridor can be functioning as a natural ecosystem within and out- vegetated. According to Langergraber (2013), these side the settlement. interventions can be simple to maintain and can also be cost-effective. The residents complained about space limitations. 5. Implications of green infrastructure’s They believe that with increased plot size, they can contribution in the settlement have domestic gardens. But is more space possible, The identified gardens within Kya Sands informal with increasing pressure on limited land available for settlement are sources of food while the stream housing development in many cities? With ongoing provides water. Due to absence of electricity, fire- densification across low-income urban communities wood (for fuel) is harvested from trees within and in South Africa (Lategan and Cilliers 2016; Todes et al. around the settlement. In line with Wallace (2007), 2017), it appears that average plot sizes and curtilage the residents place more demand on components space will continue to decrease. This situation calls relating to basic resources – food, water, energy. for creative techniques of low- and no-space plant The means that the Kya Sands case enriches what is growing technologies. Low-cost, do-it-yourself verti- already known in literature – that low-income cal farming systems are needed. However, the uptake INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 79 of such low-space greening systems where only little Disclosure statement space is available must be deliberately encouraged. No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author. The residents’ individual initiatives on greening, though commendable, are still inadequate. Using the words of Roy et al. (2018), they are ‘commonly acquies- Notes on contributor cence and coping’, and not absolutely ‘progressive or Olumuyiwa Bayode Adegun is a lecturer in the Department of transformative’. Their limitations are apparent when Architecture, Federal University of Technology, Akure, Nigeria considering broader issues of sustainability, social jus- and Visiting Research Fellow in the School of Architecture and tice, upscaling and service delivery. The state and third Planning, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. Research interests include informal settlements, sector need to constructively intervene to aid these housing, green infrastructure, and urban renewal. self-help efforts. For example, exclusionary tendencies manifest in one of the park’s no-access to women can be addressed through this means. Based on the exam- ples of small-scale, temporary initiatives conceived and References led by individual residents in the community, interests and resources of the residents can be leveraged Adegun OB. 2018. Residents’ relationship with green infrastruc- through productive collaboration to ‘green’ the infor- ture in Cosmo City, Johannesburg. J Urbanism: International mal unplanned settlements. Research on Placemaking and Urban Sustainability. 11 (3):329–346. Adegun OB. 2017. Green infrastructure in relation to informal 6. Conclusion urban settlements. J Archit Urbanism. 41:22–33. Bhattacharya R. 2014. The informal sector the role of urban This study brings to light some of the existing green commons. Yojana. 58:46–48. infrastructure (domestic gardens, informal parks, Birtchnell T, Gill N, Sultana R. 2018. Sleeper cells for urban green infrastructure: harnessing latent competence in open spaces, stream with wetlands and the riparian greening Dhaka’s slums. Urban For Urban Green. corridor) in the Kya Sands informal settlement. It doi:10.1016/j.ufug.2018.05.014 shows the way people relate with green spaces and Brown D, McGranahan G. 2016. The urban informal economy, natural ecosystems as well as perception of their local inclusion and achieving a global green transformation. usefulness to their lives and livelihoods. 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Green infrastructure in informal unplanned settlements: the case of Kya Sands, Johannesburg

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 2019, VOL. 11, NO. 1, 68–80 https://doi.org/10.1080/19463138.2019.1565412 ARTICLE Green infrastructure in informal unplanned settlements: the case of Kya Sands, Johannesburg a,b Olumuyiwa Bayode Adegun a b Department of Architecture, Federal University of Technology, Akure, Nigeria; School of Architecture and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY Received 18 May 2018 In urban areas, green spaces and natural ecosystems can be a source of benefits to Accepted 16 December 2018 different socio-economic classes of residents, including those within unplanned informal settlements. Using a qualitative research approach, this study brings to light some of the KEYWORDS existing green infrastructure (domestic gardens, informal parks, open spaces, stream with Slums upgrading; urban wetlands and the riparian corridor) in Kya Sands informal settlement in Johannesburg. It greening; informal shows the way residents utilise green infrastructure and perceptions of their usefulness. settlements; parks; The relevance of green infrastructure in the context of informal unplanned settlements ecological infrastructure became clearer. In the absence of state interventions, self-help initiatives in greening were observed in the study. Productive collaboration with the state and relevant non-govern- mental organisations is necessary for upgrading and to overcome limitations of individual initiatives within the community. The paper contributes to the growing body of knowl- edge on greening in low-income, informal and unplanned urban environments. Africa and developing countries generally. Scholars 1. Introduction have examined green infrastructure in the context of Green spaces and natural ecosystems are a vital low-income urban contexts, especially within formally resource in cities. Their functioning as urban green planned (but low-income) townships in South Africa infrastructure can be a source of benefits to different (see for example, Lubbe et al. 2010; Cilliers et al. 2013; socio-economic classes of residents within urban areas. Kaoma and Shackleton 2014;Cock et al. 2016; Adegun They can also involve some negative and undesirable 2018) and elsewhere in Africa (Mng’ong’o 2004; aspects (Lyytimaki and Sipila 2009). Informality is a Seburanga et al. 2014). These studies clearly estab- notable character in the way people relate with nature lished the fact that low-income households directly in cities. Across developing countries, informal settle- depend on the natural resource environment for their ments are often established near streams, on river lives and livelihood. For instance, Lubbe et al. (2010) banks, within or by wetlands, on steep hillsides or analysed plant diversity patterns across six urban resi- servitudes, buffer strips and other forms of interstitial dential typologies, including informal settlements, peri- space (Huchzermeyer 2011; Kohli et al. 2012;Adegun urban formal townships and up-market neighbour- 2017). Such spaces may be of ecological significance hoods in Potchefstroom (South Africa). The study and biodiversity wealth. In course of undertaking var- found that ‘a relatively strong negative relationship ious activities, informal settlers also encroach on formal exists for fruit trees and socio-economic status green spaces, especially urban parks (Bhattacharya (R = 0.65), suggesting that poorer households grow 2014; Israt and Adam 2017). more fruit trees’ to avoid dependence on market pro- There has been increasing attention to green infra- ducts, gain additional income and improve livelihoods structure in recent literature on urbanism in sub-Sahara (Lubbe et al. 2010,p.907). CONTACT Olumuyiwa Bayode Adegun muyiwaadegun@yahoo.co.uk Department of Architecture, Federal University of Technology, PMB 704, Akure, Nigeria © 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 69 Only a few studies have considered greening and This paper is based on a study of Kya Sands natural ecosystems in the context of informal informal settlement. The settlement accommodates unplanned settlements in South Africa (for example, poor individuals and socio-economically weak house- Sachikonye et al. 2016; Dalu and Shackleton 2018) holds and is presently one of the largest informal and elsewhere in Africa (Waters 2013; Roy et al. 2018). unplanned settlements in Johannesburg, South Sachikonye et al. (2016) show that a NGO’s Trees for Africa. The settlement contains small pockets of Homes Programme in Zandspruit settlement green spaces. A stream, with wetlands, flow through (Johannesburg) promoted some aspects of sustainable Kya Sands settlement. These ecological characteris- livelihoods among the poor residents. The pro- tics provide opportunity to investigate different gramme’s success, sustainability and upscaling were dimensions of the residents’ relationship with green however detracted through politically influenced and spaces and natural ecosystems. After presenting uncertain development trajectory for the informal set- information about the emergence, growth and level tlement. In their survey of informal unplanned settle- of basic services in the settlement, the paper explains ments within three South African towns, Dalu and methods used for data collection in the study area. Shackleton (2018) found that ‘natural resources con- Through its description and discussion on types of tributed up to 70% to recovery of households from green infrastructure in the settlement – gardens, flood shock’. These resources were mostly utilised for ‘parks’, a sports field – the traversing North Riding reconstruction of housing damaged through flooding. stream (its riparian space and wetlands), this study From four informal settlements in Dar es Salaam in attempts to contribute to the growing body of Tanzania, Roy et al’s(2018) identified, among others, knowledge on greening in low-income, informal innovative individual initiatives related to green infra- and unplanned urban environments. structure. Although ‘access to external support for informal communities has remained consistently low, 2. Study area … practices employed by informal dwellers show determination, ingenuity and capacity for collective Kya Sands informal settlement (named after the action’ (ibid:291.). neighbouring Kya Sands industrial area) is located More knowledge about green infrastructure about 36 km north of Johannesburg’sCentral within informal unplanned settlements in South Business District (CBD). It sits on publicly and privately Africa is needed. This is necessary to counter the owned land. It lies to the east of the industrial area. An historical notion among some urbanists that the old landfill sits to the south and the middle-class ‘consideration of bio-physical conditions is some- Bloubosrand residential area is to the south-east (see thing of a luxury in these [informal] areas’, and there- Figure 1). The North Riding Stream, also known as Kya fore not important (Quilan and McCarthy 1995, p. 95). Sands Spruit, flows through it. This stream, ‘which has By establishing its importance, this study contributes been classified as non-perennial becoming perennial’ towards broader debates in wider literature on the is a tributary of the northerly flowing Klein Jukskei intersections between environmental sustainability/ River and part of Johannesburg’sJukskei catchment climate change adaptation and urban informality/ (Geozone Geoservices 2013, p. 4). The stream’swet- poverty. There is growing recognition that global land, flora and fauna it contains, the riparian corridor green agendas must engage with the informal sector, as well as non-riparian green spaces (e.g. domestic a ubiquitous character within cities in developing gardens) give a natural ecosystem dimension to the countries (Smit and Musango 2015; Brown and informal settlement. This provides opportunity to McGranahan 2016; Hardman et al. 2018). Inclusive, investigate the role and potentials of green infrastruc- sustainable, resilient and safe forms of housing and ture in the area. urban development in developing countries, as tar- What is now known as Kya Sands settlement started geted in the global Sustainable Development Goal around 1989 as informal shelter for people working in 11, cannot be achieved without engagement with the old landfill site (Weakley 2013). The workers occu- this sector. Informal unplanned settlements are a pied vacant land to the west of the stream. In the notable form of urban shelter for the majority poor recollection of a resident, the settlement started in residents in African cities and therefore cannot be 1990 with about 169 people (personal communication, overlooked. Resident 6, 31 May 2014). In 2007, the municipality 70 O. B. ADEGUN Figure 1. Kya Sands settlement’s boundary, surrounding areas and the North Riding stream. Image adapted from Google Satellite Map of December 2015. (City of Johannesburg) estimates that over 7500 peo- demarcated stands usually have a VIP toilet within the ple live in 1200 dwelling units in the settlement (CoJ stand. In areas where there is little space between 2007a). More recent statistics shows that Kya Sands shacks/dwellings or within stands, chemical toilets are settlement contains over 16,238 people, living in provided in open spaces, for easy access. High-mast about 5325 dwellings that accommodate not less lights placed in a few locations provide limited public than 3000 households (Professional Mobile Mapping space illumination. These services are insufficient when 2009;Huchzermeyer et al. 2014). compared with the settlement’s total population. From 2007, the municipality has been providing Frustrations with poor service delivery within the set- interim services – limited potable water, sanitation tlement have been expressed through protests and and waste removal. Forty-eight communal taps, 12 other forms of targeted disruptions, as reported in the stationary water tanks and 120 toilets were installed media (Nicolson 2012; Lindeque 2013). in 2007. Additional 18 standpipes were installed in 2014 (City of Johannesburg 2007a; personal commu- 3. Research methods nication, Kya Sands Community leader, 14 November 2014). Chemical (plastic) toilets and Ventilated This study draws on qualitative methodology and Improved Pit Latrines (VIPs) are the two types of toilets research methods. Qualitative methodology allows var- available in the settlement. Dwellings within ious strategies of inquiry and iterative steps in data INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 71 collection and analysis for this kind of topic being in the informal settlement. Community meetings (see considered (Creswell 2009). This methodology can Figure 2), field trips, class presentations, studio work lead to well-nuanced results. There were in-depth and other pedagogic activities forming part of the semi-structured interviews with 13 residents and 8 author’s participation in the two events were useful key informants as well as transect walks with residents. for data collection and deepened the author’sengage- Involvement in pedagogic activities within the informal ments in the settlement. settlement also supported data collection. The residents interviewed were selected through random sampling. The residents interviewed were 4. Components of green infrastructure in spread across different sections of the settlement to Kya Sands settlement ensure views from each part are represented. Four 4.1. Domestic gardens persons who live close to the stream were purpo- sively selected within the random sample. The key In this context, gardens refer to vegetation and vege- informants are persons involved with interventions tated spaces within stands. These range from plants within informal settlements and those knowledge- in containers arranged around a shack’s plinth to a able on environment-related issues in Johannesburg few square metres of vegetation on the ground (see and South Africa at large. These persons are non- Figure 3). The gardens are usually irrigated with residents of the settlement. In addition, this research water from communal taps and rarely with water utilised transect walks with volunteer residents to from the stream. A link between demarcated plots ‘connect what participants say with where they and the type of gardens included was observed. [talked about]’ (Jones 2008, p. 1) and prompt con- There are smaller and fewer gardens around dwell- versations about histories, constructs and expecta- ings that do not have demarcated stands. Plants in tions that did not emerge through the in-depth containers around a shack’s plinth are the common interviews. In total, three transect walks were held – type of garden in such situation. two in 2014 and one later in 2015. The domestic gardens serve various purposes. During fieldwork, the author was part of the teach- They provide food. An interviewee said: ‘we cook ing cohort for a second-year Undergraduate course on some, some are taken by people [with permission, ‘Contemporary Design and Environmental Issues’ and but] I don’t sell them’ (personal communication, an International Transdisciplinary Workshop on Resident 9, 6 June 2014). The contribution of gardens ‘Reshaping Socio-ecological landscapes through colla- to household food consumption in the settlement is borative practices’. Broadly, the course and workshop meagre because not all households have a garden. involved attempts to develop and fine-tune commu- Harvests are generally in small quantities, a situation nity-initiated vision for socio-ecological improvements that resonates with van Averberke’s(2007) findings Figure 2. Meeting and presentation at a community centre (left) and Church (right) in Kya Sands settlement. Source: Author’s Photographs, September 2014/2015. 72 O. B. ADEGUN Figure 3. Some of the domestic gardens in Kya Sands Settlement. Source: Author’s Photographs, May/June 2014. that domestic gardeners in Pretoria settlements har- grow plants to beautify their immediate environment vested 1.7 kg of fresh food in a month – a meagre (Figure 3). Since ‘they [plants] smell nice and I just 6.7% of a household’s recommended monthly vege- love them’, a resident declared that he ‘uses the table food intake. Notwithstanding, the possibility of [plant] leaves for indoor fragrance or … as medicine’ monetary gains still motivates some residents. A resi- (personal communication, Resident 10, 6 June 2014). dent has plans to ‘grow these trees, chop them up, Some gardens are artistic, thus serving as a means of sell them for firewood or build with them’ (personal creative self-expression that fosters a sense of attach- communication, Resident 2, 30 May 2014) while ment to place. another one hopes to ‘make vegetable gardens and Temperature and wind (micro-climate) control plant vegetables to sell in order to generate income. benefits were also reported. Some interviewees People do love vegetables here’ (personal commu- associate trees in gardens with fresh air, believing nication, Resident 7, 6 June 2014). If residents’ tenure that ‘when it’s hot, it releases [cool breeze, so] we in the settlement is secured, ‘I will grow food (maybe sit under the trees … to benefit from oxygen’ (per- cabbages), and since I have gardening experience, I sonal communication, Resident 8, 6 June 2014). They would grow, cut and sell them’ (personal communi- also acknowledged that trees around the shack pro- cation, Resident 10, 6 June 2014), another retorted. tect its roofing sheets – preventing them from flying Gardening in Kya Sands is typically a leisure-time off during strong winds. activity as no resident reports it as primary occupa- Certain factors hamper successful domestic gar- tion. The gardens contribute aesthetics, thus enhan- dening in Kya Sands settlement and full realisation of cing psychological well-being. Notwithstanding the its benefits. Insufficient or outright lack of space is nature of shacks or size of respective stands, some the most reported obstacle. There is a popular notion INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 73 among the residents that once you have space, you collection of vulnerable (orphans, HIV-affected) people will have a garden. A resident says ‘if I have space I living in Kya Sands and nearby Msawawa settlements. would have a few plants: But when you don’t have The 18Kya Sandsresidents (16women and2 men) who space you don’t even think of things like that’ (per- started the communal garden came together due to sonal communication, Resident 3, 31 May 2014), need for mutual support and transport fare to attend another believes ‘I would benefit from having my treatment at clinics. The 180sqmgarden is locatedon own garden through the provision of bigger plots’ the settlement’s western edge (see Figure 4). The sup- (personal communication, Resident 4, 31 May 2014). port group members generally worked there between A resident feels that ‘though they can’t build us the 8 am and 2 pm, planting cabbage, spinach, maize and houses but give us space where you know this is my tomatoes. Products from the garden were either con- space, I can do everything’ (personal communication, sumed by the members or sold in the settlement. Sales Resident 2, 30 May 2014). They hinge their fulfilment did not yield much, as there are days ‘only two people in gardening on acquiring more space. would buy, and maybe [we’ll] make R12 that day’ (per- sonal communication, Resident 11, 6 June 2014). Membership dropped as people found employment 4.2. Benefits from communal gardens and the garden eventually closed. Early in 2015, a children-focussed non-for-profit As at late 2014, there were two communal gardens in organisation started operating in the settlement. It Kya Sands settlement. The first one – Thandanani garden developed a creche facility in a location close to the started in 2007 as a church-funded project initiated by a Figure 4. Location of communal gardens, parks and soccer pitch in Kya Sands settlement. Source: Google Satellite Image, November 2015. 74 O. B. ADEGUN defunct garden within Kya Sands settlement. The sitting area/seats and play equipment made from organisation started operating the abandoned gar- recycled materials and waste products like old tyres, den space to grow food which, during the field work, tree trunks and timber off-cuts. The ‘parks’ are used solely contributes to the crèche’s mid-day meal. for recreational purposes and social activities. Men The second communal garden in Kya Sands gather there on weekends, they drink, ‘relax, enjoy started in early 2015. It was established by a not- themselves and watch soccer sometimes’, thus ser- for-profit affiliate of a Christian Ministry that has been ving as an alternative to indoor shebeens (personal operating in the settlement since 1998. The garden is communication, Resident 4, 31 May 2014). part of the NPO’s proposed agricultural programme In some instances, self-help attempts to develop intended to socio-economically uplift Kya Sands resi- parks were derailed, because planting took place in dents. Presently, food from the garden goes into the winter – meaning that plants did not get enough rain NPO’s weekly community kitchen where children water – and because of improper waste disposal – from Kya Sands are fed (Kamp 2015). As at the time people disposing contaminated grey water and solid of field work, gardening activities are mainly under- waste on plants and vandalism. A young man who, taken by volunteers who come from various areas in together with friends, tried but failed said ‘maybe we Johannesburg. Participation from interested Kya would have benefited if the park successfully went Sands residents is also welcomed. on. We only tried creating it. Half-way, things started The two communal gardens are productive, mate- getting destroyed, like the plants and tyres: before rially and socially while serving to improve quality of two months, everything was destroyed’ (personal life and environmental quality in the settlement. As communication, Resident 3, 31 May 2014). Thandanani garden shows, regular meetings, work- Johannesburg City Parks and Zoo (JCPZ), the ing together, peer-support and mutual aspirations municipal entity responsible for green open spaces potentially enhanced the vulnerable group’s hopes and parks in Johannesburg, does not contribute to for a better life. Volunteer participation in the gar- these self-constructed green open spaces. The lea- dens provides an opportunity to serve and socialise, dership of Kya Sand settlement wrote to JCPZ in which enhances social capital. Communal gardens’ March 2013 seeking its assistance with the develop- contribution to social capital has been reported in ment of green open spaces. According to the reply other informal settlements locally (Kornienko 2013). received ‘they cannot do anything here… they can Beyond social capital, communal gardens such as the only help with, for example, if there is a tree on the ones in Kya Sands can support socio-ecological jus- road. They can come to cut it’ because Kya Sand is tice and empowerment in the context of deprivation not a formal settlement (personal communication, (Ferris et al. 2001). Community Leader, 31 May 2014). Non-governmental organisations also do not sup- port these informal parks because of the state’s pol- 4.3. ‘Park’ initiatives icy which casts uncertainty on the permanence or Given that Kya Sands is not formalised, and given temporariness of different informal settlements. that green open spaces are not considered interim Conditions attached to funding received by NGOs basic services, there is no municipal provision of may not support working in such context. parks in the settlement. Responding to the absence According to an officer at Food and Trees for Africa, of this amenity, residents developed vegetated out- his organisation ‘do not do [work] in informal settle- door spaces, herein referred to as ‘parks’, although ments … because maybe the government can just they are not exactly what is obtainable in the formal come and tear off the settlement … even if we get sense of parks. Locations and pictures of the informal calls [from informal settlements] we won’t be able to parks identified, numbered 1–5, are shown in Figures go and plant trees’ (personal communication, F&FTA 4 and 5, respectively. Officer, 12 November 2014). An individual and group of few residents usually Access to these small parks is in some cases spearhead the parks’ development. The physical con- restricted. In certain instances, access is denied to struction is executed by members of household, certain groups of people. For example, Limpopo friends and interested residents. The parks consist mini-park does not admit women (see Figure 6). of basic components such as trees, shrubs, flowers, Park 5 (below left in Figure 5) is being developed INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 75 Figure 5. Informal parks in Kya Sand settlement. Source: Author’s Photographs, May/June2014. by an entrepreneur (a resident) who proposed a charge for users. The fixtures in some do not make them child-friendly. Park 4 (top right Figure 5)is bordered by barbed wires which is not safe for children. Although they contribute to environmen- tal sustainability, the exclusionary tendencies of theseparks can belinkedtothe socio-economic setting. For example, using parks for income gen- eration emerges from a need to recover cost or as livelihood strategy. Child-friendly fixtures would cost what the informal developers or poor resi- dents might be unable to afford. Given the socio- economic setting, one may not expect too much Figure 6. Signage at the Limpopo Mini-park in Kya Sands settlement. around inclusion from these self-help initiatives at Source: Author’s Photograph, June 2014. the local level. 76 O. B. ADEGUN That no substantive green space intervention is 4.5. The North Riding stream and riparian made or existing self-help efforts supported by the corridor municipality or NGOs excludes the residents from The North Riding stream is a notable ecological benefits associated with formal green spaces. resource in the community, providing a range of pro- ‘Informal’ labelling of the settlement in terms of ducts and services to the residents. It was the main municipal services is not just exclusionary but pro- source of water when the settlement was established. blematic. It perpetuates historical disadvantage and Speaking of the late 1980s and early 1990s, one of the makes existing injustices fester. Social and environ- first residents said ‘the river was smaller … we were still mental justice cannot be achieved if the state and able to wash our clothes and bath ourselves with water NGOs do not play appropriate roles on green infra- collected there, unlike now when it is polluted’ (perso- structure in informal settlements. nal communication, Kya Sands Resident 6, May 2014). Change in the size of the stream, in terms of higher flow, is likely to be the result of upstream development 4.4. The local soccer pitch that led to reduced opportunities for water seepage into the soil, meaning increased run-off into the stream. There is an open space used in the evenings and At the time of field work, some residents still used the on weekends mainly for football activities in the stream to complement water supply accessed via com- settlement. Like most soccer pitches in informal munal standpipes. When there is no water from the settlements, this open space is not vegetated (see taps, the stream provides water for irrigation. Although Figure 7). Any grass seeding there cannot grow only a resident said he ‘scoops some with a bucket to because it is trampled on by the sportsmen and water a few of our plants’ (personal communication, spectators. It is a notablerecreationalspace that Kya Sands Resident 7, 6 June 2014). Water from the contributes to social life. As a valuable space that stream is used to prepare mortar and concrete during facilitates community cohesion, it has not been construction. Laundry and other washing also take encroached upon as the settlement expanded. place in the stream (see Figure 8). Different categories of people (men and women, Apart from water, residents also derive other ben- young and old) freely gather around the pitch to efits from the stream. Early occupants harvested watch and partake in sporting activities (see reeds from the wetlands to roof huts they lived in Figure 7). Figure 7. Soccer game underway on the pitch in Kya Sands settlement. Source: Author’s Photograph, Sunday 25 May 2014. INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 77 Construction and gardening companies regularly dump waste materials such as sawn tree trunks and rubble in the riparian corridor and wetland (see Figure 9). Although disconcerting from an ecological view, some residents have an informal arrangement with the companies to dump for free or amounts much lower than should have been paid at official dump sites because materials can be salvaged (Kamp 2015). The police are aware of this but were not halting dumping probably because of the material benefits involved (personal communication, Kya Sands Community leader, September 2015). Residents sal- Figure 8. Residents washing paint containers in the stream next to a vage timber from the dump site and use it as fuel for dumping area. cooking and heating. Entrepreneurs salvage bricks Source: Author’s Photograph, November 2014. from the dumps, clean these of cement and sell them for construction in the settlement. A stack of 1000 (personal communication, Resident 6, May 2014). cleaned bricks could sell for R1000 (personal commu- Sand (fine aggregate) used to prepare concrete/mor- nication, Resident 13, 17 September 2015). Salvaging tar for plastering is excavated from the streambed. and re-use of bricks of course is a sustainable practice, The stream supplements available sanitation – mak- but the process in Kya Sands has gradually encroached ing up for the locational disadvantages of toilets and upon the wetland and riparian corridor, limiting their absence of proper drainage. Residents living in functioning as green infrastructure. shacks/stands without a toilet or those passing by The riparian corridor is regarded as useful for various urinate in the riparian corridor. Used sanitary items reasons. Speaking of the time they first occupied Kya such as toilet paper (or its common substitute, news- Sands, one of the residents said ‘we would chop down paper), nappies/diapers as well as human excrement the trees and use the wood to build our structures. are disposed directly into the stream. Grey water is There was wildlife. We would hear them roar, but they also emptied into the stream. A resident admitted never bothered us’ (personal communication, Resident that ‘we use it like, as everything; as you can see, it is 5, 31 May 2014). Although wildlife (non-domesticated used as the dumping area, like a dust bin and as a animal species) has presently disappeared from the drain’ (personal communication, Resident 3, 31 May riparian corridor, their benignity was noteworthy. A 2014). religious group used to congregate in open space by Figure 9. Dumping waste in the riparian corridor and wetland in Kya Sands settlement. Source: Author’s Photographs, May 2014. 78 O. B. ADEGUN households depend directly on the natural resource environment for their lives and livelihood (Nadkarni 2000; Cilliers et al. 2013; Waters 2013). Transactions associated with the communal gar- dens contribute to social capital within the settlement. By creating spaces for face-to-face interactions which promotes social cohesion among vulnerable residents or otherwise, the gardens are a useful route to com- munity resilience. This outcome concurs with Birtchnell et al. (2018) who identified meeting social needs as one of the notable benefits of urban green infrastructure within Dakar’s slums. Affirmation of Figure 10. Children playing in the Stream while a resident collects water. masculinities through exclusion of women in one of Source: Author’s Photograph, May 2014. the parks, though not new in South Africa’s informal settlements (Gibbs et al. 2014), appears contradictory to this benign social milieu. It must not be encour- the riparian corridor. The group fetched water, used as aged, as it stands. part of their religious rituals, from the stream, but this is In situ interventions, if considered for Kya Sands no longer possible because it is now polluted. settlement, could explore substantive contribution The residents appreciate trees in the riparian corri- from formally developing components of green infra- dor. Since the trees provide shade, ‘people go and sit in structure. The sports field is a space that fosters inclu- these spaces and enjoy themselves’, a young man said sion and can enhance quality of life. It can be properly (personal communication, Resident 4, 31 May 2014). vegetated. In this situation, it can provide temporary Another resident commented that ‘I sometimes go storage for run-off after precipitation, thus comple- there to relax and listen to birds chirp. The things I menting any form of drainage infrastructure available. like there are the rocks on the river bank, where I Greening the field, however, must consider local reali- normally relax – it’s cool and quiet’ (personal commu- ties and not disrupt the residents’ connections to it. Le nication, Kya Sands Resident 10, 31 June 2014). The Roux’s(2014) explained that, after an informal soccer riparian space also serves as a play area for children pitch in Kwathema Township (East Johannesburg) was (see Figure 10), although it is not safe because of the vegetated by the government, it rapidly fell into dis- stream’s polluted condition and collapsed bank. use because of erratic maintenance and the bureau- While most of the afore-mentioned activities leave cratic outside control that ensued. The wetland could the stream polluted, pollutants also enter from be cleaned and reconstructed to restore the ecosys- upstream – from the adjoining Kya Sand industrial tem as well as enhance its flood control and water area. These decimates the stream’s capacity and purification capacities. The riparian corridor can be functioning as a natural ecosystem within and out- vegetated. According to Langergraber (2013), these side the settlement. interventions can be simple to maintain and can also be cost-effective. The residents complained about space limitations. 5. Implications of green infrastructure’s They believe that with increased plot size, they can contribution in the settlement have domestic gardens. But is more space possible, The identified gardens within Kya Sands informal with increasing pressure on limited land available for settlement are sources of food while the stream housing development in many cities? With ongoing provides water. Due to absence of electricity, fire- densification across low-income urban communities wood (for fuel) is harvested from trees within and in South Africa (Lategan and Cilliers 2016; Todes et al. around the settlement. In line with Wallace (2007), 2017), it appears that average plot sizes and curtilage the residents place more demand on components space will continue to decrease. This situation calls relating to basic resources – food, water, energy. for creative techniques of low- and no-space plant The means that the Kya Sands case enriches what is growing technologies. Low-cost, do-it-yourself verti- already known in literature – that low-income cal farming systems are needed. However, the uptake INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 79 of such low-space greening systems where only little Disclosure statement space is available must be deliberately encouraged. No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author. The residents’ individual initiatives on greening, though commendable, are still inadequate. Using the words of Roy et al. (2018), they are ‘commonly acquies- Notes on contributor cence and coping’, and not absolutely ‘progressive or Olumuyiwa Bayode Adegun is a lecturer in the Department of transformative’. 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Journal

International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development – Taylor & Francis

Published: Jan 2, 2019

Keywords: Slums upgrading; urban greening; informal settlements; parks; ecological infrastructure

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