Anticipating post-automobility: design policies for fostering urban mobility transitions

Esther Zipori; Maurie J. Cohen

doi:10.1080/19463138.2014.991737

Anticipating post-automobility: design policies for fostering urban mobility transitions

Zipori, Esther; Cohen, Maurie J. 2015-07-03 00:00:00 International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development, 2015 Vol. 7, No. 2, 147–165, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19463138.2014.991737 Anticipating post-automobility: design policies for fostering urban mobility transitions a b Esther Zipori * and Maurie J. Cohen School of Architecture and Design, New Jersey Institute of Technology, University Heights, Newark, NJ, USA; Program in Science, Technology, and Society, New Jersey Institute of Technology, University Heights, Newark, NJ, USA (Received 14 March 2014; accepted 19 November 2014) Recent developments in urban mobility in many afﬂuent countries suggest that private car use is declining and this trend is beginning to open up opportunities for municipal planners to consider a future of less extensive reliance on automobiles. This analysis examines current efforts by cities to expand opportunities for non-motorised transport and identiﬁes heritage cities, modern green metropolises and eco-cities as three urban archetypes with instructive potential. We then highlight the experience of brief case studies corresponding respectively to these paradigmatic forms: the Old City of Jerusalem, Copenhagen and Masdar City. The investigation entails the formulation and application of 10 planning criteria to assess each exemplar city on the basis of both built and human dimensions. The scoring system aims to identify design policies that can be relevant as planners commence in coming to years to more actively reconﬁgure urban space to facilitate non-motorised modes of urban mobility. Keywords: sustainable urban mobility; transportation futures; bicycle use; pedestrianisation; sustainable cities 1. Introduction cities’ (Ewing & Cervero 2010; Gehl 2010; Rousseau 2010). Especially ambitious and her- Prompted by concerns arising from both global alded schemes include the imposition of conges- climate change and public health, many cities tion charging in London, the establishment of around the world have in recent years begun to automobile-excluded districts in New York City, examine their relationship to the personal automo- and the organisation of car-free days in a growing bile and, in some notable cases, to implement number of cities around the world (Badiozamani transportation and land-use policies intended to 2003; Richards 2005; Ornetzeder et al. 2008; further enable non-motorised modes of mobility. Morris et al. 2009; Melia et al. 2013). The bicycle has featured prominently in these Just two or three decades ago, many of these initiatives, and this interest has led to construction projects would have been inconceivable as the pol- of dedicated bikeways and the establishment of itics of urban mobility overwhelmingly favoured popularly lauded cycle-sharing systems (Lindsay the personal automobile and the various interest et al. 2011; Kahn 2012). Other interventions have groups that have beneﬁted from its pervasive utili- focused on the reallocation of roadway space to sation (Grescoe 2012;Henderson 2013;Low pedestrian and recreational activities with particu- 2013). Municipal planners have long sought to lar efforts centred on the creation of ‘walkable *Corresponding author. Email: ez6@njit.edu © 2014 Taylor & Francis 148 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen prioritise the private car, to expand capacity of the Urban transport is a socio-technical system vehicular system and to campaign for a range of that affords municipal governments (and their generous automobile-oriented subsidies. However, associated agencies) unique policy leverage to demographic aging, shifting economic conditions, reduce greenhouse-gas emissions and to promote increasingly ubiquitous mobile communication other social and environmental objectives. In par- technologies and evolving lifestyle preferences are ticular, these entities operate transit systems, man- now contributing to an apparent ‘peaking’ in auto- age transport infrastructure and engage in land-use mobile use and opening opportunities for the ascen- planning. This situation stands in stark contrast to, dency of other modes (Cohen 2012; Kuhnimhof say, the agro-food system which is more geogra- et al. 2012; Gallagher 2013; Sivak 2013). phically extensive and typically outside the pur- Despite these circumstances, research on tran- view of a single jurisdiction. Despite recent and sition of the urban mobility system has tended to ongoing efforts to encourage urban agriculture and sidestep the privileged role of the personal auto- to shape more sustainable consumer practices, mobile. The conspicuous emphasis has instead these interventions will remain decidedly periph- been on various emergent technological systems, eral without extensive coordination with higher most notably liquid biofuels, natural gas, hybridi- levels of government and key industry actors. sation, vehicle electriﬁcation and hydrogen-fuel Similarly, energy generation and distribution is cells. The irony is that while such ‘autophilic’ typically outside of direct local control and deep transition pathways offer the prospect of replacing change on this front requires regulatory action that the gasoline-fuelled internal combustion engine, is beyond the reach of municipal governance. As a they encourage in one form or another continued result, it is not surprising that cities seeking to reliance on the private car. In other words, despite reduce their greenhouse-gas emissions and to incipient evidence of actual movement to improve public health have organised their sus- renounce – or at least reduce – automobile depen- tainability and low-carbon planning around the dency, researchers have not substantively consid- improvement of urban mobility (Woodcock et al. ered the potential of system changes to increase 2009; Jonas et al. 2011; Haines 2012). the prevalence of non-motorised transport. After establishing that an incipient transition We understand non-motorisation in terms of favouring non-motorised modes of urban mobility three speciﬁc forms of urban mobility: pedestria- is indeed unfolding, we focus speciﬁcally on the nisation, bicyclisation and public transit utilisa- potential of design policies to encourage pedes- tion. For purposes of the current analysis, only trian activity and bicycle use. Three case studies walking and cycling are actively considered as exemplifying respectively the past, the present and there is extensive literature on the trade-offs and the future are considered. Our ﬁrst case focuses on interactions between car use, on one hand, and the Old City of Jerusalem as a representative ridership on trains, trams, buses and so forth on archetype of cities around the world that long the other. We readily acknowledge that non- predate the advent of automobility and have been motorised transport does not in and of itself offer largely untouched by its remarkable pattern of a comprehensive answer to contemporary urban diffusion over the past century. The second case sustainability challenges, but contend that such study is more typical and centres on Copenhagen, modes are – and will continue to be – important a city that actively sought to accommodate the elements of a prospective mobility transition in private car in the decades following the Second most sizeable cities. A further paradox is that World War but later began implementing policies walking and cycling have to date progressed to foster non-motorised mobility. Our ﬁnal case much further along their respective transition path- centres on Masdar, a futuristic new city in Abu ways than the other more actively researched Dhabi that promises to be car free. Contrasting the alternatives. ways that both explicit and implicit design policies International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 149 have shaped human interaction and movement regularly venerated as harbingers of an enviable leads to the formulation of a taxonomy that differ- future (Buehler & Pucher 2011; Creutzig et al. entiates planning interventions intended to facili- 2012; Kronsell 2013). Most imaginative perhaps tate non-motorised urban mobility. are efforts in some cities to consider how to enhance bicycle access to local airports (Orrick & Frick 2012). 2. Towards urban non-motorisation A number of other ‘softer’ experiments are Surface transport in most developed countries is also being pursed. One popular strategy entails primarily organised around the personal automobile the periodic closing of normally heavily trafﬁcked and accounts for approximately one-quarter of glo- roadways to vehicular use for several weeks each bal greenhouse-gas emissions (Intergovernmental year and turning the vacated streets into recrea- Panel on Climate Change 2007). While municipal tional venues. A prominent example is Paris governments have been at the forefront of planning Plage that involves creation of an artiﬁcial beach efforts to limit carbon releases arising from urban along the banks of the River Seine during the mobility, the divisive politics underlying climate months of July and August (Stevens & Ambler change have tended to discourage interventions that 2010; see also Gale 2009). Other creative inter- could be characterised as outwardly favouring non- ventions have been prompted by designation of motorised (and decarbonised) mobility over other World Car-Free Day (normally held on alternatives. More commonly, efforts to encourage September 22) and hundreds of cities now partici- walking and cycling have been embedded in a public pate in the event (Badiozamani 2003; Even-Har & discourse that has sought to upgrade livability, to Hostovsky 2006). Some local authorities have enhance quality of life, or to improve public health even managed to turn the restricted use of private (Bias et al. 2010;Holmet al. 2012). cars into a way to encourage visitation. So-called Noteworthy planning initiatives along these slow cities have become fashionable leisure desti- lines have involved reclaiming parts of the streets- nations (Mayer & Knox 2006; Miele 2008)and cape from the private car and reallocating it to ‘slow tourism’ has been gaining attention as a non-motorised uses. Prominent public spaces form of recreational travel (Dickinson et al. such as Trafalgar Square in London and Times 2011; Lumsdon & McGrath 2011). Square and Herald Square in New York City It moreover merits observing that bicycles are have in recent years been converted into new becoming an increasingly prevalent mode of urban pedestrian zones. More modest efforts have mobility in many cities in Europe, North America involved appropriation of curbside parking to cre- and elsewhere. For example, Amsterdam, with ate small ‘parklets’ (parking spaces that are con- more than 30% of daily commuters peddling to verted to mini-parks) (Larson & Guenther 2012; work, is an acclaimed and closely studied case of King 2012) and deployment of the Dutch concept how best to plan for this form of non-motorised of the woonerf to create ‘complete streets’ (or transport (Beck & Immers 1994; Zacharias 1999; ‘home zones’) that function as multipurpose pub- Baron et al. 2012; Tagliabue 2013). Most major lic spaces and discourage – without outright ban- cities have now installed dedicated bicycle lanes, ning – vehicular use (Biddulph 2010; McCann & and cycle-share programmes and pedicabs Rynne 2010; Kingsbury et al. 2011; Speck 2012). (bicycle-powered taxis) have become accepted Urban multimodality and the public costs of free (and increasingly regulated) types of conveyance (or underpriced) on-street parking have also (Grynbaum 2009; McGeehan 2012). In terms of become topical among urban planners (Shoup social movement activity, the politics of transport 2005; Nobis 2007; Kuhnimhof et al. 2010, continue to be energised by Critical Mass and 2012). Purpose-built car-free enclaves such as monthly mass-bicycle rides in more than 300 cities Vauban (in the German city of Freiburg) are around the world to press the claim that 150 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen two-wheeled transport is a genuine form of urban journeys involving changes with non-motorised mobility and should be treated in equitable terms modes. In the case of the transit–bicycle interface, (Blickstein & Hanson 2001; Furness 2007). the introduction of cycle-sharing systems has Perhaps not surprisingly, concerns about ter- helped to ameliorate this problem by allowing rorism and other expressions of politically moti- train travellers to pick up a bicycle at a transit vated violence have contributed in important ways station and drop it off at an ultimate destination. to the reshaping of urban mobility (Benton-Short The provision of dedicated storage areas on public 2007; Coaffee 2013). For instance, the area sur- transport vehicles could enable travellers to more rounding Wall Street in New York City has seamlessly navigate multimodal trips. Other inter- become effectively a car-free district. A substantial modal problems include the creation of bicycle security infrastructure, including a military-style networks that feed travellers into transit nodes cordon with gold-coloured bollards, prevents and the provision of sufﬁcient bicycle-parking unauthorised vehicles from gaining entry to prox- facilities at train stations. imate streets. With respect to disaster management more generally, non-motorisation has become a 3. Indicators of effective design and policy for prominent feature of contingency planning. In non-motorisation particular, the 9/11 disaster in 2001 (when the vast majority of survivors ﬂed the area on foot) Research to date on non-motorised modes of urban and the subsequent response failure during mobility has tended to focus on ‘walkability’ and Hurricane Katrina in 2005 (when municipal autho- ‘cyclability’ and how underlying infrastructures rities neglected to provide adequate public trans- enhance conditions of ‘livability’ (Ewing & port for carless New Orleanians) have prompted Cervero 2010; Rousseau 2010). Though walking the development of ‘walk-out’ plans in a number and cycling are distinct activities, they are often of cities in the United States (Ercolano 2008; see joined conceptually and refer to an individual’s also Bagrow et al. 2011). Additionally, local ability to acquire access to the environment – either governments no longer hesitate to issue driving needed or desired – as a pedestrian or cyclist prohibitions and to close down large portions of (Saelens et al. 2003; Brownson et al. 2009;Bias the surface-transport system during public et al. 2010). From this standpoint, it has become emergencies. For instance, during the winter of increasingly common to calculate indices of walk- 2013, a blizzard triggered a ban on private auto- ability/cyclability as aggregate measures of residen- mobiles in Boston (and the rest of the state of tial density, street connectivity and land-use mix Massachusetts). Though stressful and possibly (and sometimes crime rate) within a speciﬁcradius chaotic, such events create what sociologists and (Bias et al. 2010;Carr et al. 2010; Nielsen et al. anthropologists refer to as ‘liminal moments,’ brief 2013). For example, on the basis of a measure windows (often induced by a sense of disorienta- known as a walk score, New York City receives a tion) when people are able to glimpse an alterna- grade of 85 and is deemed to be a ‘walker’spara- tive system of social organisation (Kennett-Hensel dise’ with the constituent neighbourhoods of Little et al. 2012; see also Noble & Walker 1997). Italy and SoHo venerated as the city’s most walk- Despite these developments, efforts to facili- able neighbourhoods (Carr et al. 2010). The score tate non-motorised urban intermodality remain a comprises ‘eating and drinking’ establishments (a work in process in most cities (Kloos 2005; proxy for street connectivity), transit options, Martens 2007; Handy & McCann 2010). For bicycle friendliness, residential availability, and instance, many transit authorities have compli- accessibility to social venues such as schools cated protocols – or outright prohibitions – on and stores. Somewhat confusingly, the walk score allowing bicycles on their systems. These exclu- does not just measure the advantageousness for sions make it difﬁcult for commuters to organise pedestrianised movement, but is intended to International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 151 identify geographical locations that are on the terms of safety, security, attractiveness and com- whole supportive of non-motorised lifestyles. fort. For example, a designated place with ade- More generally, a walkable/cyclable environment quate shading, lighting and seating arrangements is characterised by the capacity to facilitate mobility is likely to be more satisfactory (thus a higher by readily negotiable non-motorised means and the LOS) than a space without such amenities existence of reasonable distances between common (Asadi-Shekari et al. 2013). The social norms of origins and destinations such as convenience stores, a place will also dictate LOS and so usually addi- places of worship, schools, childcare facilities and tional audit tools are deployed to derive a measur- grocery stores. Some planners argue that these fea- able index (or a walkability/cyclability ‘checklist’ tures are more important because they help to create for the physical environment). These factors can a more workable framework for walking and include the condition of the roadway, the number cycling (see e.g. Gehl 2010). of vehicle and bicycle lanes, the width and type of The various measures commonly used to different paths, and the availability of transit ser- assess walkability/cyclability are intended to vices, parking, street furniture, trees and lighting assess interaction in the local environment and (Moudon & Lee 2003). The presence and speciﬁc the socio-demographic features of the people that designs of these features can either enhance or occupy it (Cervero & Radisch 1996; Kelly et al. undermine the perceived walkability/cyclability 2011; Nielsen et al. 2013). The factors most com- of a place. monly employed are age, income, marital status, educational achievement, car ownership and, in 4. Methodology some studies, the level of physical activity (or body mass index) (Eriksson et al. 2012;Van Most analyses of the urban environment unhelp- Dyck et al. 2012). The socio-demographics of a fully separate the physical form of the built envir- neighbourhood can shed light on the speciﬁc beha- onment from its human dimensions. In addition, vioural practices of a community and provide contemporary urban infrastructure is evaluated not indications of how to encourage walkability/ as a complete system but as disaggregated parts cyclability. The composition of a neighbourhood with little connection to one another. With respect – especially its political, economic, and social to mobility, researchers typically focus on pedes- status characteristics – contributes to certain cap- trians or cyclists and the availability (or lack abilities for non-motorised mobility and with it thereof) of adequate roadway capacity and fail to different motivation and usage of the built envir- appreciate the wider context in terms of, say, zon- onment (Frank et al. 2010). ing requirements, weather, cultural practices and It has become increasingly prevalent to evalu- actual use of particular spaces. The main problem ate the walkability/cyclability of particular places that derives from considering walkability or not just in terms of measurable variables pertain- cyclability in such reductionistic terms, and with- ing to the physical environment and the socio- out sufﬁcient appreciation of the entire spectrum demographic features of local residents, but also of factors that constitute a place, is that such through assessment of the level of service (LOS) analyses fail to consider the city as a complex of the supporting infrastructure (Gehl 2010; Asadi- and interwoven system comprising coevolving Shekari et al. 2013). Drawing on engineering per- physical and social elements. spectives, LOS is a way to assess the performance We aim to create a more holistic and compre- of infrastructural systems. It focuses on the kinds hensive framework to evaluate both the built and of facilities and equipment that are located in the sociocultural environments of several paradig- street and the level of quality it is able to deliver matic urban areas and to identify several criteria from the standpoint of user experience. Service for necessary for beginning to plan for post-automo- non-motorised mobility is typically evaluated in bility. In contrast to the perspectives developed to 152 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen date for assessing walkability/cyclability, we seek users, the built environment and the means for to capture in a fully integrated way the urban movement. These elements obviously cannot be design and human dimensions of such places. completely treated as single pillars, but are rather We begin by developing a taxonomy of sub- intertwined, creating the complex system that is stantially non-motorised cities that distinguishes urban living. The ways that users occupy and three different archetypes and then examine a inhabit the built environment inﬂuence its mobility representative real-world example for each of practices. Changes in the types of mobility and them. First, heritage cities are urban places that their availability precipitate alterations in the have been continuously occupied for hundreds (or urban environment which causes users to modify even thousands) of years and have physical infra- their behaviours in accordance with the feedback structures that have signiﬁcantly impeded (and in loops depicted in Figure 1. many cases largely precluded) adaptation to the Three criteria are designed to capture those automobile. Our paradigmatic case of a heritage relationships in which users are the dominant city is the Old City of Jerusalem. cause-and-effect instigators. First, human dimen- Second, so-called modern green metropolises sions refer to how residents perceive the environ- are cities that initially sought during the twentieth ment and the physical services that it provides. century to accommodate the private car, but have Second, versatility and complexity of activities more recently adopted planning priorities that denotes the social need for elaborate and entangled emphasise walking and cycling. This category of purposes and spontaneous actions in the same non-motorised cities is quite expansive and physical environment. Finally, social inclusion includes both medieval European cities such as captures the way in which planning is used to Amsterdam and ‘new world’ counterparts like positively affect socioeconomically and politically Vancouver. Copenhagen serves as our case study disadvantaged populations and their use of the of a modern green metropolis. built environment. Finally, during the last few years, there has The built environment is then analysed by been considerable interest in new ecological cities means of three further criteria that are considered (or urban districts) that enable planners to trans- as multiple moments in time: residential density cend the complex problems of retroﬁtting existing places. Several self-styled eco-cities have been designed in China as well as in Europe and else- where around the world. We focus on Masdar City, an ambitious project in Abu Dhabi, as an exemplar eco-city. Our typology – and by extension the three case studies – encompasses a diverse range of urban forms and the different challenges associated with non-motorisation. We overlay on this basic frame- work 10 evaluative criteria: residential density and land-use variation, human dimensions, versatility and complexity of activities, availability of urban amenities, adaptive reuse of existing infrastructure, level of ﬂexibility, safety and health, social inclu- sion, travel speed and experiential quality, and ease of intermodality. The evaluation criteria are based on our view Figure 1. The feedback loop of the city. that a city comprises three analytic categories: the International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 153 and land-use variation, availability of urban ame- possible to identify the relative strengths and nities, and adaptive reuse of existing infrastruc- weaknesses of a city with respect to its capacity ture. The ensemble of built environment criteria to enable non-motorised transport. takes into consideration the extent of government policy involvement, public interest and private 5. Three case studies of urban investment. First, the parameter residential density non-motorisation and land-use variation highlights the socio-demo- graphic composition of a place as dictated by local We apply in this section our typology of 10 plan- government through zoning and planning with ning criteria to three case studies – a heritage city respect to infrastructure provisioning. Second, (Old City of Jerusalem), a modern green metropo- availability of urban amenities refers to the scope lis (Copenhagen) and a newly planned ecological and operational performance of facilities such as city (Masdar City). trafﬁc control, lighting and public transport. Finally, adaptive reuse of existing infrastructure 5.1. Old city of Jerusalem is the criterion that determines the changing poten- tial of the urban environment. The durability of a Unlike many urban concentrations, the Old City of place is predicated on capacity for the reclamation Jerusalem was not designed through a progressive and repurposing of assets so that current use can process of constructing buildings and spaces, fuse with the realisation of future potential. meaning it did not evolve through development Mobility in the city is inherently complex. by its occupants. The city rather came about in Beyond the availability of multiple mobilities in accordance with a hierarchy of importance and the urban environment, such as complex public was conceived as a whole that was meant to be transit systems and non-motorised transportation maintained as originally envisioned (Wharton options, the mobility of a place can be ascertained 1995). In other words, social implications and in terms of functionality involving the level of ﬂex- cultural practices dictated development of the phy- ibility, travel speed and quality of the overall sical environment. The city’s vast and storied his- experience,and ease of intermodality. The range tory and multiple sacred sites have over the years and coverage of mobility options provided in a inhibited any subsequent reconﬁguration or reor- city are the main determents of the level of ﬂexibil- ganisation. The arrival of the private car during the ity. In general terms, the extent of multifunctional- early decades of the twentieth century did not ity, allowing different user groups to access a instigate change within the city’s venerated walls diverse number of different forms of mobility, can and its spatial arrangement remains the same today be regarded as an indicator of a successful city. as it was 500 years ago. Functionality can also be assessed with respect to Concomitantly, Jerusalem is emblematic of how travel speed and experiential quality. Ease of inter- the absence of automobility is not in and of itself an modality is indicative of the ability of a user to enabling condition for effective non-motorised transfer as required between different types of mobility. While the city is marked by an extremely mobilities available in the urban environment and high population density (approximately 37,000 peo- to maximise the potentialities of the overall system. ple occupying a residential area of 40 hectares, or Ten planning criteria are used to appraise an roughly 100 acres, in size) and a diverse mix of urban environment as a holistic system. land uses, extreme levels of congestion impede Considering a city through these parameters ﬂuid movement by foot and make cycling a virtual enables a preliminary understanding of the three impossibility (which is further complicated by basic driving forces of the city: the users, the built inadequate and incompatible roadways built of environment and the means for movement. By unevenly laid stones and bricks). Historically evaluating each of these determinants, it is determined religious and ethnic segregation – the 154 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen city is divided into Muslim, Christian, Armenian, have further contributed to the development of and Jewish quarters – further complicates opportu- pedestrian ‘hot spots’ and most social and com- nities for non-motorised mobility among its differ- mercial life occurs outside of the immediate home. ent neighbourhoods. The proliferation of market stalls and small-scale Intermodality involving different transporta- vendors creates opportunistically formed pedes- tion options is limited by the fact that walking trian areas, a pattern reinforced by the generally (constrained though it may be) is the only method warm weather that encourages a vibrant outdoor of movement that is practicable within the Old life which stands in stark contrast to lifestyles City’s ancient walls. Although the incidence of predicated on automobility. Commercial displays, public health problems such as obesity and car shops, and cafés clutter the Old City and deliveries accidents is low, safety and security are long- are typically made on foot (or by small donkey standing concerns. The size of Jerusalem, in com- carts or handcarts) because the size of the thor- bination with a highly condensed and intricate oughfares does not permit any other kind of circulation network, creates an extremely interac- movement. tive and complex social experience. In addition, Recent developments, most notably rehabilita- the modest size of the buildings (there are no tion of the Mamilla District adjacent to the Old buildings higher than four or ﬁve stories with City, offer useful examples of adaptive reuse. This most structures less than four stories) gives the adjoining area was a largely disused nineteenth- Old City a comfortable scale. Its materiality also century neighbourhood located outside of the Jaffe encourages an intense level of human engage- Gate that after more than a decade of debate ment through both colour and texture. Stone is became during the mid-1980s the site of an ambi- used almost exclusively and this standardising tious urban renewal project. A pedestrianised feature creates a sense of warmth that is absent street through Mamilla now connects the Old in places where glass and steel are the primary City with the pre-existing car-free market centre building materials. Moreover, the travel experi- of Mahane Yehuda and Ben Yehuda Street, a ence through the Old City can be delightful and proximate downtown district that also excludes sensuous even though one can only do it on foot, private cars. On one hand, these areas are designed and journeys can be time-consuming due to exclusively for travel by foot and do not have any obstructions, bottlenecks and the meandering multimodal ﬂexibility. On the other hand, the street conﬁguration. The availability of numerous spaces afford a high level of versatility and com- shortcuts eases some of these problems, at least plexity for non-motorised activities including for long-time residents who are familiar with walking, running, sitting and shopping. At certain such routes. times of the year, the areas are outﬁtted with With respect to the social inclusiveness of temporary performance stages or become sites Jerusalem, there are several different expressions for makeshift markets. of this criterion. The ﬁrst is a clear exclusion of The Old City of Jerusalem exempliﬁes the cycling and an evident privileging of pedestriani- opportunities and challenges for non-motorisation sation. The Old City follows the alignment of the inherent in heritage cities and highlights certain Roman Cardo (north–south axis) and a decumanus design features that can be implemented in more (east–west axis) that creates numerous dense conventional cases. The near-absence of the auto- building clusters with dimensions that are approxi- mobile has enabled these places to maintain their mately 70 by 70 metres (Kutcher 1975; Thubron complexity and to preserve their human scale. 1976). These aggregations have led to extremely During the present day, they provide unique van- compressed quarters with narrow and twisting tage points to witness life in the absence of the streets that invite users to get lost in them. private car and to distance ourselves from auto- Cultural practices common in the Middle East mobile reliance. International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 155 5.2. Copenhagen goal to become the most environmentally progres- sive city (City of Copenhagen 2007). Local ofﬁcials Like many of its European counterparts, the built also established a long-term plan to be the world’s environment of the Danish capital developed over best cycling city and it is due in large part to this hundreds of years and was strongly inﬂuenced by its commitment that Copenhagen is today a forerunner medieval religious institutions. The city was not in the movement to enhance urban opportunities for designed in accordance with a master plan (as was walking and cycling. Local planners understood the case for the Old City of Jerusalem), but rather that realising this ambitious objective would require developed organically and episodically over time. active participation by both residents and the busi- Copenhagen has a long history of reinvention and ness sector. They also deemed it necessary to look over the past few decades the so-called City of Spires beyond Copenhagen and to expend their outreach has recast itself as a modern green metropolis. In efforts to include the Danish Parliament, the particular, the city has normalised bicycle use and European Union and even the United Nations constructed facilities that invite the public to (City of Copenhagen 2002, 2007). embrace this mode of urban mobility (Gehl 2010; According to municipal data, Copenhageners Jensen 2013). This commitment to cycling has had cycle on average more than 1.1 million kilometres profound effects on the cityscape and led to the per day and 36% of the city’s commuters use their creation of highly attractive public spaces and bicycles to travel either to work or to school. By encouraged planning interventions that ensure short emphasising safety, the city sought by 2015 to travel distances among different activity nodes. increase the percentage of bicycle commuters to Copenhagen’s formal bicycle network pre- 50%, to reduce the number of injured cyclists by sently comprises more than 300 kilometres of half and to have 80% of cyclists feel secure in dedicated pathways and during the decade from trafﬁc (City of Copenhagen 2002, 2007). 2002 until 2012 the municipal government Motivated by these targets, municipal ofﬁcials devoted itself to expanding the proportion of the have pursued two primary initiatives. The ﬁrst population that commutes to work by this mode. calls for reusing several abandoned rail lines to This initiative required improving safety for establish new green cycle tracks comprising an cyclists as well as increasing the travel speed and independent network of different routes connect- overall comfort and convenience of bicycle use. ing neighbourhoods, parks and squares (Jensen These objectives were accomplished by enhancing 2013; Nielsen et al. 2013). The second initiative cycling conditions in the city centre, establishing entails construction of a locus of bicycle super- dedicated roadways, developing green cycle routes highways specially designed to accommodate in the more rural parts of the metropolitan area, commuters traveling more than 7 kilometres. improving lighting and signage, integrating These routes will be established between the out- cycling and public transport, enhancing parking lying suburbs and the city centre to lessen conges- and storage for bicycles, adding trafﬁc controls tion and to improve the health of users. for both bicycles and automobiles, and formulat- While Copenhagen has been widely lauded for ing informational campaigns to encourage bicycle its efforts, there are three issues that require more use (City of Copenhagen 2002, 2007). critical appraisal and apply not just to the Danish Unlike heritage cities, modern green metropo- capital but are relevant as well to other modern green lises likeCopenhagenplayanactiverole in facil- metropolises. First, in terms of non-motorised mobi- itating non-motorised mobility practices and focus lity, priority has been on cycling, and the enhance- attention especially on the needs of cyclists. In ment of pedestrian spaces has largely been based on 2007, the municipal government published the the use of land ‘left over’ from cycling-related devel- results of a visioning study that referred to the opments. The heavy emphasis on the bicycle has left city as the ‘eco-metropolis of the world’ and set a 156 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen pedestrians at a disadvantage and conﬂict between of impinging biophysical limits and the need to the two groups has become more evident in recent achieve at the global level substantial reductions in years (Nielsen et al. 2013). Second, it is arguably energy and material throughput (Joss et al. 2013; easier to induce a household to commute to work Premalatha et al. 2013; Rapoport 2014). Masdar and school by bicycle if this means of transport is City is a newly built eco-city in Abu Dhabi, capi- already part of the prevailing culture. It becomes a tal of the United Arab Emirates, and conceived by much more complicated task to encourage minority the Abu Dhabi Future Energy Company (known subpopulations to take up this mode of travel. In as the Masdar Initiative) (http://www.masdarcity. Copenhagen, Danish-born middle-class residents ae/en). The project is a master-planned community living in the outer rings of the city comprise a dis- launched in 2006 and anticipated at full build-out proportionate share of the city’s bicycle commuters to comprise 6 square kilometres. Masdar City was and this raises questions about social exclusion from conceived to be completely reliant on renewable a cycling lifestyle (Jensen 2013). Finally, as we have energy, with no carbon emissions and energy con- seen with respect to automobility over more than sumption that would be substantially below cus- half a century, increasing use brings about conges- tomary levels. The concept plan called for tion. Copenhagen today faces a situation where the incorporation of smart resource management and next challenge will be to more effectively manage utility grids, cutting-edge green technologies, con- the large number of cyclists to avoid erosion in the centrated solar power (CSP) and electric-powered quality of the travel experience. personal rapid transit (PRT). Masdar City is being In summary, the modern green metropolis built by a consortium of collaborating ﬁrms that model is based on long-term investment in the are using the initiative as a laboratory to test built environment and commitment to a supporting sustainable products and design techniques and policy framework. Planning consistent with this the ﬁrst few companies to join the enterprise approach requires continuous adaptation to were General Electric, Schneider and Siemens respond to changing needs. To avoid resistance (Bullis 2009; Cugurullo 2013). The population of and backlash, it is typically necessary to adjust the city (at least at present) comprises staff from the physical infrastructure in ‘gentle’ ways that each of the participating partners and a modest do not impinge on the interests of other users, number of university personnel and students. The for instance by adding additional capacity for initial timeline anticipated that the city would open cycling without reducing vehicular lanes. There its ﬁrst non-university residential building in 2015. are clearly limits to this approach with respect to Like other large-scale development projects the pace of change and the fact that roadway size being undertaken elsewhere around the world, is ultimately constrained and space has to be allo- Masdar City suffered several serious setbacks in cated among competing modes. At some point, 2008 as a direct result of the ﬁnancial crisis, although more difﬁcult decisions will need to be made that detailed changes to the master plan have not been require disadvantaging some users to beneﬁt fully disclosed. It nonetheless became apparent that others. This, along with the design of policies the goal of zero carbon emissions has evolved that foster social inclusion, is very much the next instead into a less stringent objective of aiming for stage that Copenhagen and other modern green carbon neutrality. Project proponents also relaxed metropolises now face as they seek to build on their commitment to CSP and instead have formu- their initial achievements. lated arrangements to import electricity from outside of the city. Moreover, the PRT system that was originally planned to provide access to the entire 5.3. Masdar City city has been modiﬁed to cover only 10% of the The eco-cities that have been planned or built total built-up area. The modiﬁed scheme now calls around the world to date are based on a realisation for electric vehicles to transport residents to other International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 157 areas of the city beyond the reach of the PRT system. economic ambitions of the project are apparent in Finally, the overall investment of US$22 billion has its entrepreneurship and effort to achieve ﬁnancial been pared back to US$16 billion, and the deadline success. Its environmental practices are in place for completion has been extended from 2016 to 2030 only as commercialised tools to be used as a live- (Abbaai et al. 2012; Cugurullo 2013). in advertisement and the social dimension has yet In terms of its organisational structure, Masdar to be articulated in a coherent way. Without a City is a commercially driven enterprise that clearly focused social understanding of sustain- aspires to attract investors and, in due course, to ability, the ability of the project to realise its generate a proﬁt for its shareholders (Cugurullo objectives for non-motorisation appear at this 2013). Accordingly, the sponsors are motivated point to be quite limited. by a particular set of aspirations. The chief aim is to serve as a demonstration project for various ‘sustainable’ technologies and the residents 5.4. Comparative planning-criteria analysis recruited to live in Masdar City are mostly ‘main- tenance people’ who work for the partner compa- To complement the narrative case studies pre- nies or are connected to the university. The fact sented above, we evaluated each of the three para- that the project is being built from scratch on a digmatic cities against our 10 post-automobility master-planned basis makes it difﬁcult to accom- planning criteria (Table 1). We used a seven modate the organic dimensions of urban develop- point scoring system ranging from +3 to −3 with ment. At the same time, the city does not lack +3 indicating extremely proﬁcient performance on customised features to enhance the comfort and a particular criterion and −3 connoting extremely convenience of its residents, but these elements of deﬁcient performance. Zero designates indetermi- the project seem to function primarily as promo- nate performance or insufﬁcient data to make an tional tools for visitors (Abbaai et al. 2012; informed judgement. For example, in the Old City Cugurullo 2013). of Jerusalem, residential density and land-use The word masdar means ‘the source’ in variation are deemed to be moderately proﬁcient Arabic and the technologies and designs created because of the high population concentration and trialled by this initiative are intended to be and diverse land uses, though there is little open used (or bought) and implemented by other pro- or green space. This composition results in assign- jects elsewhere around the world. At present, the ment of a score of +2 points. By comparison, venture has yet to become an actual living place Masdar City receives a zero on this planning cri- and the aspirations of is proponents remain, at terion because of its relatively low residential den- least thus far, largely unrealised. Moreover, its sity and land-use variation (at present only a 100 design has not been tested to determine whether people live in the city) and active land uses are the intentions of its proponents for non-motorised conﬁned for now to university buildings. mobility are achievable. According to its promo- The vertical sum across all 10 post-automobi- tional material, ‘Masdar City is being designed lity planning criteria provides for each paradig- and operated to provide the highest quality of life matic city an approximate measure of its capacity with the lowest environmental footprint’ but at this to effectively support non-motorised mobility. point at least this objective remains more a pro- This calculation enables us to rank the three repre- mise than an accomplished deed. sentative cases. Copenhagen emerges as the city Similar to a large showcase room, Masdar City with the most conducive conditions for walking appears pristine and untouched. It has yet to live and cycling (summative score of +19 points) with up to its stated expectations, but perhaps it is just the Old City of Jerusalem and Masdar City respec- too soon to render a deﬁnitive judgement. With tively receiving more modest scores of +9 points respect to the three pillars of sustainability, the and +7 points. 158 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen Table 1. Planning criteria analysis of case studies. Old City of Planning criteria Copenhagen Masdar City Jerusalem Residential density and +2 +3 0 land-use variation Human dimensions +3 +2 +2 Versatility and complexity +3 +2 0 of activities Availability of urban +1 +3 +1 amenities Adaptive reuse of existing –2 +2 0 infrastructure Level of flexibility –1 –2 0 Safety and health +2 +3 +2 –1 +1 –1 Social inclusion Travel speed and +2 +2 +2 experiential quality 0 +3 +1 Ease of intermodality Total +9 +19 +7 Scoring system: Extremely proficient = +3 Moderately proficient = +2 Mildly proficient = +1 Indeterminate or insufficient information available = 0 Mildly deficient = –1 Moderately proficient = –2 Extremely deficient = –3 6. Conclusion regions to accommodate the car were, in their own time, experiments with highly uncertain outcomes. From a contemporary perspective, the extraordinary We often forget the vehement, but ultimately inef- achievements of the personal automobile seem to fectual, opposition unleashed during the early days have been inevitable and predetermined. It is though of the automobile age and the occasional resistance useful to remember that the ﬁrst efforts to reconﬁ- movements that have coalesced from time to time. It gure cities and their surrounding metropolitan International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 159 took the better portion of a half century of political predisposition that arguably stems from the avail- ability of greater research funding for novel techno- and technical negotiation to build up the resultant logical applications relative to social innovations socio-technical system and for the car to achieve its more reliant on behavioural adaptations. seemingly inexorable position in the lives of ordin- 3. New York City has also embarked on less publi- ary people today. Numerous allied innovations were cised projects to covert individual blocks into car- necessary to make this happen including the devel- free public spaces. For example, see Ishayik (2013). 4. Of related interest is the fact that most of the top 10 opment of new tools of public ﬁnance to pay for tourist destinations in the world are essentially non- necessary infrastructure and the establishment of motorised spaces: Times Square (New York, USA), programmes to train drivers in the safe operation of National Mall and Memorial Parks (Washington, their vehicles. At the same time, extensive interven- DC, USA), Magic Kingdom (Florida, USA), Trafalgar Square (London, UK), Disneyland Park tion has been required to shade the social and envir- (California, USA), Niagara Falls (Ontario, Canada onmental costs of automobility as well as to maintain and New York, USA), Fisherman’s Wharf and the oil-supply lines necessary to keep the system Golden Gate Park (California, USA), Tokyo moving. Disneyland and DisneySea (Urayasu, Japan), Notre After more than a century of growth and expan- Dame Cathedral (Paris, France), and Disneyland (Paris, France). sion, we are now witnessing a weakening in public 5. There are in contrast indications that concern enthusiasm for the car and cities are beginning to about terrorist threats that induce people to alter formulate once unimaginable strategies to adjust to their travel behaviour in favour of personal auto- these circumstances. The most signiﬁcant challenges mobiles. See, for example, Elias et al. (2013). are prompted by local concerns about climate 6. Municipal ofﬁcials in Boston and its surrounding suburbs imposed a similar prohibition during the change and the public health dimensions of perva- manhunt that occurred following the marathon sive motorisation. We are now arguably reaching the bombing in April 2013. See Ryan (2013). stage where it is becoming possible to regard this 7. It furthermore merits noting that natural disasters shift in public sensibilities as something more than have created opportunities to implement measures the disjointed efforts of a diminishingly small min- to restrain automobile use. For example, the ority of disenchanted anti-automobilists. At the same Embarcadero and Central Freeways in San Francisco were destroyed during the 1989 Loma time, if currently dominant modes of urban mobility Prieta Earthquake and rather than rebuild the ele- are ultimately going to be supplanted, it will be vated roadways they were dismantled two years necessary to begin to plan for an emergent transition. later. For a more complete list of highway removal This analysis, by formulating a provisional typology projects in the United States, see http://www.pre- servenet.com/freeways/index.html. for capturing both inadvertent and purposeful exam- 8. For comparison, Boston received a walk score of ples of non-motorisation, is meant to provide as 85 and Newark (New Jersey) a grade of 75 on this initial step in this direction. scale. See http://www.walkscore.com. 9. See the appendix for detailed information regard- ing each criterion. 10. Expressed in more conventional units of measure- Notes ment, the population density of the Old City is 1. This characterisation is predicated on an extensive approximately 92,500 people per square kilometre literature review. See, for example, Vergragt which makes this urban agglomeration one of the (2004); Van Den Bosch et al. (2005); Köhler most compact districts in the world. See Khamaisi et al. (2009); Ros et al. (2009); Sovacool & et al. (2009). Hirsh (2009); Farla et al. (2010); Huétink et al. (2010); Kriston et al. (2010); Budde et al. (2012); Egbue & Long (2012); Warth et al. (2013); Dijk et al. (2013); Steinhilber et al. (2013). Notes on contributors 2. 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Transition management for sustainable Board. Washington (DC): Transportation Research personal mobility: the case of hydrogen fuel cells. Board. Greener Manag Int. 47:13–27. Zacharias J. 1999. Amsterdam experiment in mixing Warth J, Von Der Gracht H, Darkow I-L. 2013. A dis- pedestrians, trams, and bicycles. ITE J. 69:6. sent-based approach for multi-stakeholder scenario Appendix Planning criteria Explanation Key references 1. Residential Highlights the socio-demographic composition of a Carr et al. (2010); Eriksson et al. density and land- place and is based on local census data. It provides (2012) use variation insight into the extent to which an active walking/ cycling lifestyle can be implemented and whether municipal land-use laws allow for physical infrastructure to support non-motorised mobility. 2. Human Refers to both the built environment and the perceived Brownson et al. (2009); Bias et al. dimensions environment and the physical services that the (2010); Gehl (2010); Saelens environment provides. This criterion questions the et al. (2003) presence of environmental networks that provide the community with needed (and wanted) services such as: convenience stores, place of worship, schools, recreational facilities, community centres, child-care services, pharmacies, restaurants, grocery stores, movie theatres, libraries, banks and post ofﬁces. Human dimensions are also assessed by the actual physical environment in terms of, for example, architecture and its physical scale. The level of service provided by the built environment is what encourages individuals to remain in a community and to engage it. 3. Versatility and For a place to be ‘active’ and ‘attractive’ for walking Gehl (2010) complexity of and cycling, it needs to provide versatility and have activities capacity for complexity. There needs to be an overlap of purposes such as walking, running, resting, and shopping and a mix of planned and spontaneous actions. (Continued) 164 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen (Continued). Planning criteria Explanation Key references 4. Availability of This criterion measures the quality of the cityscape and Jensen (2013); Gehl (2010); Snizek urban amenities its ability to accommodate different uses, especially et al. (2013) walking and cycling. Issues of particular attention include adequate road space, trafﬁc controls, lighting, and the relationship of travel conduits to the larger municipal transport network. Also relevant are the ‘sense of place’ created by different road spaces, conﬁguration of intersections, distances to public transport, roadway width and angles, and the ability to reach common destinations in a variety of different ways. 5. Adaptive reuse of Cities are ever-changing landscapes of people and the Gehl (2010); Snizek et al. (2013); existing built environment and durability is a function of the Nielsen et al. (2013); Banister infrastructure ability to adapt and reuse infrastructure to et al. (2011) accommodate new requirements. This criterion assesses the degree to which a city regards its infrastructure in a physically limited world and how these circumstances affect opportunities for non- motorised transport. 6. Level of This criterion refers to the capacity of a city for Urry (2004); Gehl (2010); Aldred ﬂexibility multifunctionality and to allow different user groups (2010); Jensen (2013) to simultaneously occupy and coexist in the same space. The concept of the complete street (or the woonerf) is an example of such ﬂexibility. 7. Safety and health This criterion entails several aspects with respect to Holm et al. (2012) urban mobility. First, the incidence of trafﬁc accidents involving pedestrians and cyclists requires attention. Second, planners need to consider the prevailing activity levels of people and their state of physical ﬁtness. Finally, the quality of the physical environment in terms of ambient air pollution and available green space is critical. In aggregate, these factors provide an indication of the actual practices that are reasonable and point to opportunities for improvement. 8. Social inclusion Social inclusion (and exclusion) is a function of both Hodson and Marvin (2009); Frank social dynamics and built environmental conditions. et al. (2010); Gehl (2010); This is primarily a matter of vehicular infrastructure taking precedence over walking and cycling infrastructure, but can also entail cycling being privileged over walking. Beyond physical segregation and favouritism, there are questions pertaining to socially dynamic practices surrounding non-motorised forms of urban mobility. (Continued) International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 165 (Continued). Planning criteria Explanation Key references 9. Travel speed and Travel speed refers to the amount of time it takes to Nielsen et al. (2013); Jensen (2013); experiential transit between primary origins and destinations. Snizek et al. (2013) quality This criterion also considers the quality of the travel experience, especially in the context of journeys that need to be made within a speciﬁc timeframe (such as commuting to work). Other trips can extend for longer periods of time, especially if the experience itself is deemed to be positive. 10. Ease of This criterion refers to the ease with which users can Moudon and Lee (2003); Xing and intermodality transfer between different urban mobility systems Handy (2009); Frank et al. (2010) and the provisions that are in place to enable travellers to seamlessly navigate trips involving different modes. http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development Taylor & Francis http://www.deepdyve.com/lp/taylor-francis/anticipating-post-automobility-design-policies-for-fostering-urban-1DWK4d62xm

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Publisher: Taylor & Francis
Copyright: © 2014 Taylor & Francis
ISSN: 1946-3146
eISSN: 1946-3138
DOI: 10.1080/19463138.2014.991737
Publisher site: See Article on Publisher Site

Abstract

International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development, 2015 Vol. 7, No. 2, 147–165, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19463138.2014.991737 Anticipating post-automobility: design policies for fostering urban mobility transitions a b Esther Zipori * and Maurie J. Cohen School of Architecture and Design, New Jersey Institute of Technology, University Heights, Newark, NJ, USA; Program in Science, Technology, and Society, New Jersey Institute of Technology, University Heights, Newark, NJ, USA (Received 14 March 2014; accepted 19 November 2014) Recent developments in urban mobility in many afﬂuent countries suggest that private car use is declining and this trend is beginning to open up opportunities for municipal planners to consider a future of less extensive reliance on automobiles. This analysis examines current efforts by cities to expand opportunities for non-motorised transport and identiﬁes heritage cities, modern green metropolises and eco-cities as three urban archetypes with instructive potential. We then highlight the experience of brief case studies corresponding respectively to these paradigmatic forms: the Old City of Jerusalem, Copenhagen and Masdar City. The investigation entails the formulation and application of 10 planning criteria to assess each exemplar city on the basis of both built and human dimensions. The scoring system aims to identify design policies that can be relevant as planners commence in coming to years to more actively reconﬁgure urban space to facilitate non-motorised modes of urban mobility. Keywords: sustainable urban mobility; transportation futures; bicycle use; pedestrianisation; sustainable cities 1. Introduction cities’ (Ewing & Cervero 2010; Gehl 2010; Rousseau 2010). Especially ambitious and her- Prompted by concerns arising from both global alded schemes include the imposition of conges- climate change and public health, many cities tion charging in London, the establishment of around the world have in recent years begun to automobile-excluded districts in New York City, examine their relationship to the personal automo- and the organisation of car-free days in a growing bile and, in some notable cases, to implement number of cities around the world (Badiozamani transportation and land-use policies intended to 2003; Richards 2005; Ornetzeder et al. 2008; further enable non-motorised modes of mobility. Morris et al. 2009; Melia et al. 2013). The bicycle has featured prominently in these Just two or three decades ago, many of these initiatives, and this interest has led to construction projects would have been inconceivable as the pol- of dedicated bikeways and the establishment of itics of urban mobility overwhelmingly favoured popularly lauded cycle-sharing systems (Lindsay the personal automobile and the various interest et al. 2011; Kahn 2012). Other interventions have groups that have beneﬁted from its pervasive utili- focused on the reallocation of roadway space to sation (Grescoe 2012;Henderson 2013;Low pedestrian and recreational activities with particu- 2013). Municipal planners have long sought to lar efforts centred on the creation of ‘walkable *Corresponding author. Email: ez6@njit.edu © 2014 Taylor & Francis 148 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen prioritise the private car, to expand capacity of the Urban transport is a socio-technical system vehicular system and to campaign for a range of that affords municipal governments (and their generous automobile-oriented subsidies. However, associated agencies) unique policy leverage to demographic aging, shifting economic conditions, reduce greenhouse-gas emissions and to promote increasingly ubiquitous mobile communication other social and environmental objectives. In par- technologies and evolving lifestyle preferences are ticular, these entities operate transit systems, man- now contributing to an apparent ‘peaking’ in auto- age transport infrastructure and engage in land-use mobile use and opening opportunities for the ascen- planning. This situation stands in stark contrast to, dency of other modes (Cohen 2012; Kuhnimhof say, the agro-food system which is more geogra- et al. 2012; Gallagher 2013; Sivak 2013). phically extensive and typically outside the pur- Despite these circumstances, research on tran- view of a single jurisdiction. Despite recent and sition of the urban mobility system has tended to ongoing efforts to encourage urban agriculture and sidestep the privileged role of the personal auto- to shape more sustainable consumer practices, mobile. The conspicuous emphasis has instead these interventions will remain decidedly periph- been on various emergent technological systems, eral without extensive coordination with higher most notably liquid biofuels, natural gas, hybridi- levels of government and key industry actors. sation, vehicle electriﬁcation and hydrogen-fuel Similarly, energy generation and distribution is cells. The irony is that while such ‘autophilic’ typically outside of direct local control and deep transition pathways offer the prospect of replacing change on this front requires regulatory action that the gasoline-fuelled internal combustion engine, is beyond the reach of municipal governance. As a they encourage in one form or another continued result, it is not surprising that cities seeking to reliance on the private car. In other words, despite reduce their greenhouse-gas emissions and to incipient evidence of actual movement to improve public health have organised their sus- renounce – or at least reduce – automobile depen- tainability and low-carbon planning around the dency, researchers have not substantively consid- improvement of urban mobility (Woodcock et al. ered the potential of system changes to increase 2009; Jonas et al. 2011; Haines 2012). the prevalence of non-motorised transport. After establishing that an incipient transition We understand non-motorisation in terms of favouring non-motorised modes of urban mobility three speciﬁc forms of urban mobility: pedestria- is indeed unfolding, we focus speciﬁcally on the nisation, bicyclisation and public transit utilisa- potential of design policies to encourage pedes- tion. For purposes of the current analysis, only trian activity and bicycle use. Three case studies walking and cycling are actively considered as exemplifying respectively the past, the present and there is extensive literature on the trade-offs and the future are considered. Our ﬁrst case focuses on interactions between car use, on one hand, and the Old City of Jerusalem as a representative ridership on trains, trams, buses and so forth on archetype of cities around the world that long the other. We readily acknowledge that non- predate the advent of automobility and have been motorised transport does not in and of itself offer largely untouched by its remarkable pattern of a comprehensive answer to contemporary urban diffusion over the past century. The second case sustainability challenges, but contend that such study is more typical and centres on Copenhagen, modes are – and will continue to be – important a city that actively sought to accommodate the elements of a prospective mobility transition in private car in the decades following the Second most sizeable cities. A further paradox is that World War but later began implementing policies walking and cycling have to date progressed to foster non-motorised mobility. Our ﬁnal case much further along their respective transition path- centres on Masdar, a futuristic new city in Abu ways than the other more actively researched Dhabi that promises to be car free. Contrasting the alternatives. ways that both explicit and implicit design policies International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 149 have shaped human interaction and movement regularly venerated as harbingers of an enviable leads to the formulation of a taxonomy that differ- future (Buehler & Pucher 2011; Creutzig et al. entiates planning interventions intended to facili- 2012; Kronsell 2013). Most imaginative perhaps tate non-motorised urban mobility. are efforts in some cities to consider how to enhance bicycle access to local airports (Orrick & Frick 2012). 2. Towards urban non-motorisation A number of other ‘softer’ experiments are Surface transport in most developed countries is also being pursed. One popular strategy entails primarily organised around the personal automobile the periodic closing of normally heavily trafﬁcked and accounts for approximately one-quarter of glo- roadways to vehicular use for several weeks each bal greenhouse-gas emissions (Intergovernmental year and turning the vacated streets into recrea- Panel on Climate Change 2007). While municipal tional venues. A prominent example is Paris governments have been at the forefront of planning Plage that involves creation of an artiﬁcial beach efforts to limit carbon releases arising from urban along the banks of the River Seine during the mobility, the divisive politics underlying climate months of July and August (Stevens & Ambler change have tended to discourage interventions that 2010; see also Gale 2009). Other creative inter- could be characterised as outwardly favouring non- ventions have been prompted by designation of motorised (and decarbonised) mobility over other World Car-Free Day (normally held on alternatives. More commonly, efforts to encourage September 22) and hundreds of cities now partici- walking and cycling have been embedded in a public pate in the event (Badiozamani 2003; Even-Har & discourse that has sought to upgrade livability, to Hostovsky 2006). Some local authorities have enhance quality of life, or to improve public health even managed to turn the restricted use of private (Bias et al. 2010;Holmet al. 2012). cars into a way to encourage visitation. So-called Noteworthy planning initiatives along these slow cities have become fashionable leisure desti- lines have involved reclaiming parts of the streets- nations (Mayer & Knox 2006; Miele 2008)and cape from the private car and reallocating it to ‘slow tourism’ has been gaining attention as a non-motorised uses. Prominent public spaces form of recreational travel (Dickinson et al. such as Trafalgar Square in London and Times 2011; Lumsdon & McGrath 2011). Square and Herald Square in New York City It moreover merits observing that bicycles are have in recent years been converted into new becoming an increasingly prevalent mode of urban pedestrian zones. More modest efforts have mobility in many cities in Europe, North America involved appropriation of curbside parking to cre- and elsewhere. For example, Amsterdam, with ate small ‘parklets’ (parking spaces that are con- more than 30% of daily commuters peddling to verted to mini-parks) (Larson & Guenther 2012; work, is an acclaimed and closely studied case of King 2012) and deployment of the Dutch concept how best to plan for this form of non-motorised of the woonerf to create ‘complete streets’ (or transport (Beck & Immers 1994; Zacharias 1999; ‘home zones’) that function as multipurpose pub- Baron et al. 2012; Tagliabue 2013). Most major lic spaces and discourage – without outright ban- cities have now installed dedicated bicycle lanes, ning – vehicular use (Biddulph 2010; McCann & and cycle-share programmes and pedicabs Rynne 2010; Kingsbury et al. 2011; Speck 2012). (bicycle-powered taxis) have become accepted Urban multimodality and the public costs of free (and increasingly regulated) types of conveyance (or underpriced) on-street parking have also (Grynbaum 2009; McGeehan 2012). In terms of become topical among urban planners (Shoup social movement activity, the politics of transport 2005; Nobis 2007; Kuhnimhof et al. 2010, continue to be energised by Critical Mass and 2012). Purpose-built car-free enclaves such as monthly mass-bicycle rides in more than 300 cities Vauban (in the German city of Freiburg) are around the world to press the claim that 150 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen two-wheeled transport is a genuine form of urban journeys involving changes with non-motorised mobility and should be treated in equitable terms modes. In the case of the transit–bicycle interface, (Blickstein & Hanson 2001; Furness 2007). the introduction of cycle-sharing systems has Perhaps not surprisingly, concerns about ter- helped to ameliorate this problem by allowing rorism and other expressions of politically moti- train travellers to pick up a bicycle at a transit vated violence have contributed in important ways station and drop it off at an ultimate destination. to the reshaping of urban mobility (Benton-Short The provision of dedicated storage areas on public 2007; Coaffee 2013). For instance, the area sur- transport vehicles could enable travellers to more rounding Wall Street in New York City has seamlessly navigate multimodal trips. Other inter- become effectively a car-free district. A substantial modal problems include the creation of bicycle security infrastructure, including a military-style networks that feed travellers into transit nodes cordon with gold-coloured bollards, prevents and the provision of sufﬁcient bicycle-parking unauthorised vehicles from gaining entry to prox- facilities at train stations. imate streets. With respect to disaster management more generally, non-motorisation has become a 3. Indicators of effective design and policy for prominent feature of contingency planning. In non-motorisation particular, the 9/11 disaster in 2001 (when the vast majority of survivors ﬂed the area on foot) Research to date on non-motorised modes of urban and the subsequent response failure during mobility has tended to focus on ‘walkability’ and Hurricane Katrina in 2005 (when municipal autho- ‘cyclability’ and how underlying infrastructures rities neglected to provide adequate public trans- enhance conditions of ‘livability’ (Ewing & port for carless New Orleanians) have prompted Cervero 2010; Rousseau 2010). Though walking the development of ‘walk-out’ plans in a number and cycling are distinct activities, they are often of cities in the United States (Ercolano 2008; see joined conceptually and refer to an individual’s also Bagrow et al. 2011). Additionally, local ability to acquire access to the environment – either governments no longer hesitate to issue driving needed or desired – as a pedestrian or cyclist prohibitions and to close down large portions of (Saelens et al. 2003; Brownson et al. 2009;Bias the surface-transport system during public et al. 2010). From this standpoint, it has become emergencies. For instance, during the winter of increasingly common to calculate indices of walk- 2013, a blizzard triggered a ban on private auto- ability/cyclability as aggregate measures of residen- mobiles in Boston (and the rest of the state of tial density, street connectivity and land-use mix Massachusetts). Though stressful and possibly (and sometimes crime rate) within a speciﬁcradius chaotic, such events create what sociologists and (Bias et al. 2010;Carr et al. 2010; Nielsen et al. anthropologists refer to as ‘liminal moments,’ brief 2013). For example, on the basis of a measure windows (often induced by a sense of disorienta- known as a walk score, New York City receives a tion) when people are able to glimpse an alterna- grade of 85 and is deemed to be a ‘walker’spara- tive system of social organisation (Kennett-Hensel dise’ with the constituent neighbourhoods of Little et al. 2012; see also Noble & Walker 1997). Italy and SoHo venerated as the city’s most walk- Despite these developments, efforts to facili- able neighbourhoods (Carr et al. 2010). The score tate non-motorised urban intermodality remain a comprises ‘eating and drinking’ establishments (a work in process in most cities (Kloos 2005; proxy for street connectivity), transit options, Martens 2007; Handy & McCann 2010). For bicycle friendliness, residential availability, and instance, many transit authorities have compli- accessibility to social venues such as schools cated protocols – or outright prohibitions – on and stores. Somewhat confusingly, the walk score allowing bicycles on their systems. These exclu- does not just measure the advantageousness for sions make it difﬁcult for commuters to organise pedestrianised movement, but is intended to International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 151 identify geographical locations that are on the terms of safety, security, attractiveness and com- whole supportive of non-motorised lifestyles. fort. For example, a designated place with ade- More generally, a walkable/cyclable environment quate shading, lighting and seating arrangements is characterised by the capacity to facilitate mobility is likely to be more satisfactory (thus a higher by readily negotiable non-motorised means and the LOS) than a space without such amenities existence of reasonable distances between common (Asadi-Shekari et al. 2013). The social norms of origins and destinations such as convenience stores, a place will also dictate LOS and so usually addi- places of worship, schools, childcare facilities and tional audit tools are deployed to derive a measur- grocery stores. Some planners argue that these fea- able index (or a walkability/cyclability ‘checklist’ tures are more important because they help to create for the physical environment). These factors can a more workable framework for walking and include the condition of the roadway, the number cycling (see e.g. Gehl 2010). of vehicle and bicycle lanes, the width and type of The various measures commonly used to different paths, and the availability of transit ser- assess walkability/cyclability are intended to vices, parking, street furniture, trees and lighting assess interaction in the local environment and (Moudon & Lee 2003). The presence and speciﬁc the socio-demographic features of the people that designs of these features can either enhance or occupy it (Cervero & Radisch 1996; Kelly et al. undermine the perceived walkability/cyclability 2011; Nielsen et al. 2013). The factors most com- of a place. monly employed are age, income, marital status, educational achievement, car ownership and, in 4. Methodology some studies, the level of physical activity (or body mass index) (Eriksson et al. 2012;Van Most analyses of the urban environment unhelp- Dyck et al. 2012). The socio-demographics of a fully separate the physical form of the built envir- neighbourhood can shed light on the speciﬁc beha- onment from its human dimensions. In addition, vioural practices of a community and provide contemporary urban infrastructure is evaluated not indications of how to encourage walkability/ as a complete system but as disaggregated parts cyclability. The composition of a neighbourhood with little connection to one another. With respect – especially its political, economic, and social to mobility, researchers typically focus on pedes- status characteristics – contributes to certain cap- trians or cyclists and the availability (or lack abilities for non-motorised mobility and with it thereof) of adequate roadway capacity and fail to different motivation and usage of the built envir- appreciate the wider context in terms of, say, zon- onment (Frank et al. 2010). ing requirements, weather, cultural practices and It has become increasingly prevalent to evalu- actual use of particular spaces. The main problem ate the walkability/cyclability of particular places that derives from considering walkability or not just in terms of measurable variables pertain- cyclability in such reductionistic terms, and with- ing to the physical environment and the socio- out sufﬁcient appreciation of the entire spectrum demographic features of local residents, but also of factors that constitute a place, is that such through assessment of the level of service (LOS) analyses fail to consider the city as a complex of the supporting infrastructure (Gehl 2010; Asadi- and interwoven system comprising coevolving Shekari et al. 2013). Drawing on engineering per- physical and social elements. spectives, LOS is a way to assess the performance We aim to create a more holistic and compre- of infrastructural systems. It focuses on the kinds hensive framework to evaluate both the built and of facilities and equipment that are located in the sociocultural environments of several paradig- street and the level of quality it is able to deliver matic urban areas and to identify several criteria from the standpoint of user experience. Service for necessary for beginning to plan for post-automo- non-motorised mobility is typically evaluated in bility. In contrast to the perspectives developed to 152 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen date for assessing walkability/cyclability, we seek users, the built environment and the means for to capture in a fully integrated way the urban movement. These elements obviously cannot be design and human dimensions of such places. completely treated as single pillars, but are rather We begin by developing a taxonomy of sub- intertwined, creating the complex system that is stantially non-motorised cities that distinguishes urban living. The ways that users occupy and three different archetypes and then examine a inhabit the built environment inﬂuence its mobility representative real-world example for each of practices. Changes in the types of mobility and them. First, heritage cities are urban places that their availability precipitate alterations in the have been continuously occupied for hundreds (or urban environment which causes users to modify even thousands) of years and have physical infra- their behaviours in accordance with the feedback structures that have signiﬁcantly impeded (and in loops depicted in Figure 1. many cases largely precluded) adaptation to the Three criteria are designed to capture those automobile. Our paradigmatic case of a heritage relationships in which users are the dominant city is the Old City of Jerusalem. cause-and-effect instigators. First, human dimen- Second, so-called modern green metropolises sions refer to how residents perceive the environ- are cities that initially sought during the twentieth ment and the physical services that it provides. century to accommodate the private car, but have Second, versatility and complexity of activities more recently adopted planning priorities that denotes the social need for elaborate and entangled emphasise walking and cycling. This category of purposes and spontaneous actions in the same non-motorised cities is quite expansive and physical environment. Finally, social inclusion includes both medieval European cities such as captures the way in which planning is used to Amsterdam and ‘new world’ counterparts like positively affect socioeconomically and politically Vancouver. Copenhagen serves as our case study disadvantaged populations and their use of the of a modern green metropolis. built environment. Finally, during the last few years, there has The built environment is then analysed by been considerable interest in new ecological cities means of three further criteria that are considered (or urban districts) that enable planners to trans- as multiple moments in time: residential density cend the complex problems of retroﬁtting existing places. Several self-styled eco-cities have been designed in China as well as in Europe and else- where around the world. We focus on Masdar City, an ambitious project in Abu Dhabi, as an exemplar eco-city. Our typology – and by extension the three case studies – encompasses a diverse range of urban forms and the different challenges associated with non-motorisation. We overlay on this basic frame- work 10 evaluative criteria: residential density and land-use variation, human dimensions, versatility and complexity of activities, availability of urban amenities, adaptive reuse of existing infrastructure, level of ﬂexibility, safety and health, social inclu- sion, travel speed and experiential quality, and ease of intermodality. The evaluation criteria are based on our view Figure 1. The feedback loop of the city. that a city comprises three analytic categories: the International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 153 and land-use variation, availability of urban ame- possible to identify the relative strengths and nities, and adaptive reuse of existing infrastruc- weaknesses of a city with respect to its capacity ture. The ensemble of built environment criteria to enable non-motorised transport. takes into consideration the extent of government policy involvement, public interest and private 5. Three case studies of urban investment. First, the parameter residential density non-motorisation and land-use variation highlights the socio-demo- graphic composition of a place as dictated by local We apply in this section our typology of 10 plan- government through zoning and planning with ning criteria to three case studies – a heritage city respect to infrastructure provisioning. Second, (Old City of Jerusalem), a modern green metropo- availability of urban amenities refers to the scope lis (Copenhagen) and a newly planned ecological and operational performance of facilities such as city (Masdar City). trafﬁc control, lighting and public transport. Finally, adaptive reuse of existing infrastructure 5.1. Old city of Jerusalem is the criterion that determines the changing poten- tial of the urban environment. The durability of a Unlike many urban concentrations, the Old City of place is predicated on capacity for the reclamation Jerusalem was not designed through a progressive and repurposing of assets so that current use can process of constructing buildings and spaces, fuse with the realisation of future potential. meaning it did not evolve through development Mobility in the city is inherently complex. by its occupants. The city rather came about in Beyond the availability of multiple mobilities in accordance with a hierarchy of importance and the urban environment, such as complex public was conceived as a whole that was meant to be transit systems and non-motorised transportation maintained as originally envisioned (Wharton options, the mobility of a place can be ascertained 1995). In other words, social implications and in terms of functionality involving the level of ﬂex- cultural practices dictated development of the phy- ibility, travel speed and quality of the overall sical environment. The city’s vast and storied his- experience,and ease of intermodality. The range tory and multiple sacred sites have over the years and coverage of mobility options provided in a inhibited any subsequent reconﬁguration or reor- city are the main determents of the level of ﬂexibil- ganisation. The arrival of the private car during the ity. In general terms, the extent of multifunctional- early decades of the twentieth century did not ity, allowing different user groups to access a instigate change within the city’s venerated walls diverse number of different forms of mobility, can and its spatial arrangement remains the same today be regarded as an indicator of a successful city. as it was 500 years ago. Functionality can also be assessed with respect to Concomitantly, Jerusalem is emblematic of how travel speed and experiential quality. Ease of inter- the absence of automobility is not in and of itself an modality is indicative of the ability of a user to enabling condition for effective non-motorised transfer as required between different types of mobility. While the city is marked by an extremely mobilities available in the urban environment and high population density (approximately 37,000 peo- to maximise the potentialities of the overall system. ple occupying a residential area of 40 hectares, or Ten planning criteria are used to appraise an roughly 100 acres, in size) and a diverse mix of urban environment as a holistic system. land uses, extreme levels of congestion impede Considering a city through these parameters ﬂuid movement by foot and make cycling a virtual enables a preliminary understanding of the three impossibility (which is further complicated by basic driving forces of the city: the users, the built inadequate and incompatible roadways built of environment and the means for movement. By unevenly laid stones and bricks). Historically evaluating each of these determinants, it is determined religious and ethnic segregation – the 154 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen city is divided into Muslim, Christian, Armenian, have further contributed to the development of and Jewish quarters – further complicates opportu- pedestrian ‘hot spots’ and most social and com- nities for non-motorised mobility among its differ- mercial life occurs outside of the immediate home. ent neighbourhoods. The proliferation of market stalls and small-scale Intermodality involving different transporta- vendors creates opportunistically formed pedes- tion options is limited by the fact that walking trian areas, a pattern reinforced by the generally (constrained though it may be) is the only method warm weather that encourages a vibrant outdoor of movement that is practicable within the Old life which stands in stark contrast to lifestyles City’s ancient walls. Although the incidence of predicated on automobility. Commercial displays, public health problems such as obesity and car shops, and cafés clutter the Old City and deliveries accidents is low, safety and security are long- are typically made on foot (or by small donkey standing concerns. The size of Jerusalem, in com- carts or handcarts) because the size of the thor- bination with a highly condensed and intricate oughfares does not permit any other kind of circulation network, creates an extremely interac- movement. tive and complex social experience. In addition, Recent developments, most notably rehabilita- the modest size of the buildings (there are no tion of the Mamilla District adjacent to the Old buildings higher than four or ﬁve stories with City, offer useful examples of adaptive reuse. This most structures less than four stories) gives the adjoining area was a largely disused nineteenth- Old City a comfortable scale. Its materiality also century neighbourhood located outside of the Jaffe encourages an intense level of human engage- Gate that after more than a decade of debate ment through both colour and texture. Stone is became during the mid-1980s the site of an ambi- used almost exclusively and this standardising tious urban renewal project. A pedestrianised feature creates a sense of warmth that is absent street through Mamilla now connects the Old in places where glass and steel are the primary City with the pre-existing car-free market centre building materials. Moreover, the travel experi- of Mahane Yehuda and Ben Yehuda Street, a ence through the Old City can be delightful and proximate downtown district that also excludes sensuous even though one can only do it on foot, private cars. On one hand, these areas are designed and journeys can be time-consuming due to exclusively for travel by foot and do not have any obstructions, bottlenecks and the meandering multimodal ﬂexibility. On the other hand, the street conﬁguration. The availability of numerous spaces afford a high level of versatility and com- shortcuts eases some of these problems, at least plexity for non-motorised activities including for long-time residents who are familiar with walking, running, sitting and shopping. At certain such routes. times of the year, the areas are outﬁtted with With respect to the social inclusiveness of temporary performance stages or become sites Jerusalem, there are several different expressions for makeshift markets. of this criterion. The ﬁrst is a clear exclusion of The Old City of Jerusalem exempliﬁes the cycling and an evident privileging of pedestriani- opportunities and challenges for non-motorisation sation. The Old City follows the alignment of the inherent in heritage cities and highlights certain Roman Cardo (north–south axis) and a decumanus design features that can be implemented in more (east–west axis) that creates numerous dense conventional cases. The near-absence of the auto- building clusters with dimensions that are approxi- mobile has enabled these places to maintain their mately 70 by 70 metres (Kutcher 1975; Thubron complexity and to preserve their human scale. 1976). These aggregations have led to extremely During the present day, they provide unique van- compressed quarters with narrow and twisting tage points to witness life in the absence of the streets that invite users to get lost in them. private car and to distance ourselves from auto- Cultural practices common in the Middle East mobile reliance. International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 155 5.2. Copenhagen goal to become the most environmentally progres- sive city (City of Copenhagen 2007). Local ofﬁcials Like many of its European counterparts, the built also established a long-term plan to be the world’s environment of the Danish capital developed over best cycling city and it is due in large part to this hundreds of years and was strongly inﬂuenced by its commitment that Copenhagen is today a forerunner medieval religious institutions. The city was not in the movement to enhance urban opportunities for designed in accordance with a master plan (as was walking and cycling. Local planners understood the case for the Old City of Jerusalem), but rather that realising this ambitious objective would require developed organically and episodically over time. active participation by both residents and the busi- Copenhagen has a long history of reinvention and ness sector. They also deemed it necessary to look over the past few decades the so-called City of Spires beyond Copenhagen and to expend their outreach has recast itself as a modern green metropolis. In efforts to include the Danish Parliament, the particular, the city has normalised bicycle use and European Union and even the United Nations constructed facilities that invite the public to (City of Copenhagen 2002, 2007). embrace this mode of urban mobility (Gehl 2010; According to municipal data, Copenhageners Jensen 2013). This commitment to cycling has had cycle on average more than 1.1 million kilometres profound effects on the cityscape and led to the per day and 36% of the city’s commuters use their creation of highly attractive public spaces and bicycles to travel either to work or to school. By encouraged planning interventions that ensure short emphasising safety, the city sought by 2015 to travel distances among different activity nodes. increase the percentage of bicycle commuters to Copenhagen’s formal bicycle network pre- 50%, to reduce the number of injured cyclists by sently comprises more than 300 kilometres of half and to have 80% of cyclists feel secure in dedicated pathways and during the decade from trafﬁc (City of Copenhagen 2002, 2007). 2002 until 2012 the municipal government Motivated by these targets, municipal ofﬁcials devoted itself to expanding the proportion of the have pursued two primary initiatives. The ﬁrst population that commutes to work by this mode. calls for reusing several abandoned rail lines to This initiative required improving safety for establish new green cycle tracks comprising an cyclists as well as increasing the travel speed and independent network of different routes connect- overall comfort and convenience of bicycle use. ing neighbourhoods, parks and squares (Jensen These objectives were accomplished by enhancing 2013; Nielsen et al. 2013). The second initiative cycling conditions in the city centre, establishing entails construction of a locus of bicycle super- dedicated roadways, developing green cycle routes highways specially designed to accommodate in the more rural parts of the metropolitan area, commuters traveling more than 7 kilometres. improving lighting and signage, integrating These routes will be established between the out- cycling and public transport, enhancing parking lying suburbs and the city centre to lessen conges- and storage for bicycles, adding trafﬁc controls tion and to improve the health of users. for both bicycles and automobiles, and formulat- While Copenhagen has been widely lauded for ing informational campaigns to encourage bicycle its efforts, there are three issues that require more use (City of Copenhagen 2002, 2007). critical appraisal and apply not just to the Danish Unlike heritage cities, modern green metropo- capital but are relevant as well to other modern green lises likeCopenhagenplayanactiverole in facil- metropolises. First, in terms of non-motorised mobi- itating non-motorised mobility practices and focus lity, priority has been on cycling, and the enhance- attention especially on the needs of cyclists. In ment of pedestrian spaces has largely been based on 2007, the municipal government published the the use of land ‘left over’ from cycling-related devel- results of a visioning study that referred to the opments. The heavy emphasis on the bicycle has left city as the ‘eco-metropolis of the world’ and set a 156 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen pedestrians at a disadvantage and conﬂict between of impinging biophysical limits and the need to the two groups has become more evident in recent achieve at the global level substantial reductions in years (Nielsen et al. 2013). Second, it is arguably energy and material throughput (Joss et al. 2013; easier to induce a household to commute to work Premalatha et al. 2013; Rapoport 2014). Masdar and school by bicycle if this means of transport is City is a newly built eco-city in Abu Dhabi, capi- already part of the prevailing culture. It becomes a tal of the United Arab Emirates, and conceived by much more complicated task to encourage minority the Abu Dhabi Future Energy Company (known subpopulations to take up this mode of travel. In as the Masdar Initiative) (http://www.masdarcity. Copenhagen, Danish-born middle-class residents ae/en). The project is a master-planned community living in the outer rings of the city comprise a dis- launched in 2006 and anticipated at full build-out proportionate share of the city’s bicycle commuters to comprise 6 square kilometres. Masdar City was and this raises questions about social exclusion from conceived to be completely reliant on renewable a cycling lifestyle (Jensen 2013). Finally, as we have energy, with no carbon emissions and energy con- seen with respect to automobility over more than sumption that would be substantially below cus- half a century, increasing use brings about conges- tomary levels. The concept plan called for tion. Copenhagen today faces a situation where the incorporation of smart resource management and next challenge will be to more effectively manage utility grids, cutting-edge green technologies, con- the large number of cyclists to avoid erosion in the centrated solar power (CSP) and electric-powered quality of the travel experience. personal rapid transit (PRT). Masdar City is being In summary, the modern green metropolis built by a consortium of collaborating ﬁrms that model is based on long-term investment in the are using the initiative as a laboratory to test built environment and commitment to a supporting sustainable products and design techniques and policy framework. Planning consistent with this the ﬁrst few companies to join the enterprise approach requires continuous adaptation to were General Electric, Schneider and Siemens respond to changing needs. To avoid resistance (Bullis 2009; Cugurullo 2013). The population of and backlash, it is typically necessary to adjust the city (at least at present) comprises staff from the physical infrastructure in ‘gentle’ ways that each of the participating partners and a modest do not impinge on the interests of other users, number of university personnel and students. The for instance by adding additional capacity for initial timeline anticipated that the city would open cycling without reducing vehicular lanes. There its ﬁrst non-university residential building in 2015. are clearly limits to this approach with respect to Like other large-scale development projects the pace of change and the fact that roadway size being undertaken elsewhere around the world, is ultimately constrained and space has to be allo- Masdar City suffered several serious setbacks in cated among competing modes. At some point, 2008 as a direct result of the ﬁnancial crisis, although more difﬁcult decisions will need to be made that detailed changes to the master plan have not been require disadvantaging some users to beneﬁt fully disclosed. It nonetheless became apparent that others. This, along with the design of policies the goal of zero carbon emissions has evolved that foster social inclusion, is very much the next instead into a less stringent objective of aiming for stage that Copenhagen and other modern green carbon neutrality. Project proponents also relaxed metropolises now face as they seek to build on their commitment to CSP and instead have formu- their initial achievements. lated arrangements to import electricity from outside of the city. Moreover, the PRT system that was originally planned to provide access to the entire 5.3. Masdar City city has been modiﬁed to cover only 10% of the The eco-cities that have been planned or built total built-up area. The modiﬁed scheme now calls around the world to date are based on a realisation for electric vehicles to transport residents to other International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 157 areas of the city beyond the reach of the PRT system. economic ambitions of the project are apparent in Finally, the overall investment of US$22 billion has its entrepreneurship and effort to achieve ﬁnancial been pared back to US$16 billion, and the deadline success. Its environmental practices are in place for completion has been extended from 2016 to 2030 only as commercialised tools to be used as a live- (Abbaai et al. 2012; Cugurullo 2013). in advertisement and the social dimension has yet In terms of its organisational structure, Masdar to be articulated in a coherent way. Without a City is a commercially driven enterprise that clearly focused social understanding of sustain- aspires to attract investors and, in due course, to ability, the ability of the project to realise its generate a proﬁt for its shareholders (Cugurullo objectives for non-motorisation appear at this 2013). Accordingly, the sponsors are motivated point to be quite limited. by a particular set of aspirations. The chief aim is to serve as a demonstration project for various ‘sustainable’ technologies and the residents 5.4. Comparative planning-criteria analysis recruited to live in Masdar City are mostly ‘main- tenance people’ who work for the partner compa- To complement the narrative case studies pre- nies or are connected to the university. The fact sented above, we evaluated each of the three para- that the project is being built from scratch on a digmatic cities against our 10 post-automobility master-planned basis makes it difﬁcult to accom- planning criteria (Table 1). We used a seven modate the organic dimensions of urban develop- point scoring system ranging from +3 to −3 with ment. At the same time, the city does not lack +3 indicating extremely proﬁcient performance on customised features to enhance the comfort and a particular criterion and −3 connoting extremely convenience of its residents, but these elements of deﬁcient performance. Zero designates indetermi- the project seem to function primarily as promo- nate performance or insufﬁcient data to make an tional tools for visitors (Abbaai et al. 2012; informed judgement. For example, in the Old City Cugurullo 2013). of Jerusalem, residential density and land-use The word masdar means ‘the source’ in variation are deemed to be moderately proﬁcient Arabic and the technologies and designs created because of the high population concentration and trialled by this initiative are intended to be and diverse land uses, though there is little open used (or bought) and implemented by other pro- or green space. This composition results in assign- jects elsewhere around the world. At present, the ment of a score of +2 points. By comparison, venture has yet to become an actual living place Masdar City receives a zero on this planning cri- and the aspirations of is proponents remain, at terion because of its relatively low residential den- least thus far, largely unrealised. Moreover, its sity and land-use variation (at present only a 100 design has not been tested to determine whether people live in the city) and active land uses are the intentions of its proponents for non-motorised conﬁned for now to university buildings. mobility are achievable. According to its promo- The vertical sum across all 10 post-automobi- tional material, ‘Masdar City is being designed lity planning criteria provides for each paradig- and operated to provide the highest quality of life matic city an approximate measure of its capacity with the lowest environmental footprint’ but at this to effectively support non-motorised mobility. point at least this objective remains more a pro- This calculation enables us to rank the three repre- mise than an accomplished deed. sentative cases. Copenhagen emerges as the city Similar to a large showcase room, Masdar City with the most conducive conditions for walking appears pristine and untouched. It has yet to live and cycling (summative score of +19 points) with up to its stated expectations, but perhaps it is just the Old City of Jerusalem and Masdar City respec- too soon to render a deﬁnitive judgement. With tively receiving more modest scores of +9 points respect to the three pillars of sustainability, the and +7 points. 158 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen Table 1. Planning criteria analysis of case studies. Old City of Planning criteria Copenhagen Masdar City Jerusalem Residential density and +2 +3 0 land-use variation Human dimensions +3 +2 +2 Versatility and complexity +3 +2 0 of activities Availability of urban +1 +3 +1 amenities Adaptive reuse of existing –2 +2 0 infrastructure Level of flexibility –1 –2 0 Safety and health +2 +3 +2 –1 +1 –1 Social inclusion Travel speed and +2 +2 +2 experiential quality 0 +3 +1 Ease of intermodality Total +9 +19 +7 Scoring system: Extremely proficient = +3 Moderately proficient = +2 Mildly proficient = +1 Indeterminate or insufficient information available = 0 Mildly deficient = –1 Moderately proficient = –2 Extremely deficient = –3 6. Conclusion regions to accommodate the car were, in their own time, experiments with highly uncertain outcomes. From a contemporary perspective, the extraordinary We often forget the vehement, but ultimately inef- achievements of the personal automobile seem to fectual, opposition unleashed during the early days have been inevitable and predetermined. It is though of the automobile age and the occasional resistance useful to remember that the ﬁrst efforts to reconﬁ- movements that have coalesced from time to time. It gure cities and their surrounding metropolitan International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 159 took the better portion of a half century of political predisposition that arguably stems from the avail- ability of greater research funding for novel techno- and technical negotiation to build up the resultant logical applications relative to social innovations socio-technical system and for the car to achieve its more reliant on behavioural adaptations. seemingly inexorable position in the lives of ordin- 3. New York City has also embarked on less publi- ary people today. Numerous allied innovations were cised projects to covert individual blocks into car- necessary to make this happen including the devel- free public spaces. For example, see Ishayik (2013). 4. Of related interest is the fact that most of the top 10 opment of new tools of public ﬁnance to pay for tourist destinations in the world are essentially non- necessary infrastructure and the establishment of motorised spaces: Times Square (New York, USA), programmes to train drivers in the safe operation of National Mall and Memorial Parks (Washington, their vehicles. At the same time, extensive interven- DC, USA), Magic Kingdom (Florida, USA), Trafalgar Square (London, UK), Disneyland Park tion has been required to shade the social and envir- (California, USA), Niagara Falls (Ontario, Canada onmental costs of automobility as well as to maintain and New York, USA), Fisherman’s Wharf and the oil-supply lines necessary to keep the system Golden Gate Park (California, USA), Tokyo moving. Disneyland and DisneySea (Urayasu, Japan), Notre After more than a century of growth and expan- Dame Cathedral (Paris, France), and Disneyland (Paris, France). sion, we are now witnessing a weakening in public 5. There are in contrast indications that concern enthusiasm for the car and cities are beginning to about terrorist threats that induce people to alter formulate once unimaginable strategies to adjust to their travel behaviour in favour of personal auto- these circumstances. The most signiﬁcant challenges mobiles. See, for example, Elias et al. (2013). are prompted by local concerns about climate 6. Municipal ofﬁcials in Boston and its surrounding suburbs imposed a similar prohibition during the change and the public health dimensions of perva- manhunt that occurred following the marathon sive motorisation. We are now arguably reaching the bombing in April 2013. See Ryan (2013). stage where it is becoming possible to regard this 7. It furthermore merits noting that natural disasters shift in public sensibilities as something more than have created opportunities to implement measures the disjointed efforts of a diminishingly small min- to restrain automobile use. For example, the ority of disenchanted anti-automobilists. At the same Embarcadero and Central Freeways in San Francisco were destroyed during the 1989 Loma time, if currently dominant modes of urban mobility Prieta Earthquake and rather than rebuild the ele- are ultimately going to be supplanted, it will be vated roadways they were dismantled two years necessary to begin to plan for an emergent transition. later. For a more complete list of highway removal This analysis, by formulating a provisional typology projects in the United States, see http://www.pre- servenet.com/freeways/index.html. for capturing both inadvertent and purposeful exam- 8. For comparison, Boston received a walk score of ples of non-motorisation, is meant to provide as 85 and Newark (New Jersey) a grade of 75 on this initial step in this direction. scale. See http://www.walkscore.com. 9. See the appendix for detailed information regard- ing each criterion. 10. Expressed in more conventional units of measure- Notes ment, the population density of the Old City is 1. This characterisation is predicated on an extensive approximately 92,500 people per square kilometre literature review. See, for example, Vergragt which makes this urban agglomeration one of the (2004); Van Den Bosch et al. (2005); Köhler most compact districts in the world. See Khamaisi et al. (2009); Ros et al. (2009); Sovacool & et al. (2009). Hirsh (2009); Farla et al. (2010); Huétink et al. (2010); Kriston et al. (2010); Budde et al. (2012); Egbue & Long (2012); Warth et al. (2013); Dijk et al. (2013); Steinhilber et al. (2013). Notes on contributors 2. While it is only indirectly germane to the current Maurie J. Cohen is an Associate Professor and a analysis, we attribute this divergence to a techno- Director of the Program in Science, Technology, and centric bias in contemporary transition research, a Society at the New Jersey Institute of Technology and 160 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen an Associate Fellow of the Tellus Institute. His most Buehler R, Pucher J. 2011. Sustainable transport in recent book is Innovations in Sustainable Consumption: Freiburg: lessons from Germany’s environmental New Economics, Socio-technical Transitions and Social capital. Int J Sustainable Trans. 5:43–70. Practices (with Halina Brown and Philip Vergragt). Bullis K. 2009 Feb 24. A zero-emissions city in the desert: oil-rich Abu Dhabi is building a green Esther Zipori is a graduate student in the Master of metropolis. Should the rest of the world care? MIT Infrastructure Planning Program at the New Jersey Technology Review. 56–63. 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(2009); Bias et al. dimensions environment and the physical services that the (2010); Gehl (2010); Saelens environment provides. This criterion questions the et al. (2003) presence of environmental networks that provide the community with needed (and wanted) services such as: convenience stores, place of worship, schools, recreational facilities, community centres, child-care services, pharmacies, restaurants, grocery stores, movie theatres, libraries, banks and post ofﬁces. Human dimensions are also assessed by the actual physical environment in terms of, for example, architecture and its physical scale. The level of service provided by the built environment is what encourages individuals to remain in a community and to engage it. 3. Versatility and For a place to be ‘active’ and ‘attractive’ for walking Gehl (2010) complexity of and cycling, it needs to provide versatility and have activities capacity for complexity. There needs to be an overlap of purposes such as walking, running, resting, and shopping and a mix of planned and spontaneous actions. (Continued) 164 E. Zipori and M.J. Cohen (Continued). Planning criteria Explanation Key references 4. Availability of This criterion measures the quality of the cityscape and Jensen (2013); Gehl (2010); Snizek urban amenities its ability to accommodate different uses, especially et al. (2013) walking and cycling. Issues of particular attention include adequate road space, trafﬁc controls, lighting, and the relationship of travel conduits to the larger municipal transport network. Also relevant are the ‘sense of place’ created by different road spaces, conﬁguration of intersections, distances to public transport, roadway width and angles, and the ability to reach common destinations in a variety of different ways. 5. Adaptive reuse of Cities are ever-changing landscapes of people and the Gehl (2010); Snizek et al. (2013); existing built environment and durability is a function of the Nielsen et al. (2013); Banister infrastructure ability to adapt and reuse infrastructure to et al. (2011) accommodate new requirements. This criterion assesses the degree to which a city regards its infrastructure in a physically limited world and how these circumstances affect opportunities for non- motorised transport. 6. Level of This criterion refers to the capacity of a city for Urry (2004); Gehl (2010); Aldred ﬂexibility multifunctionality and to allow different user groups (2010); Jensen (2013) to simultaneously occupy and coexist in the same space. The concept of the complete street (or the woonerf) is an example of such ﬂexibility. 7. Safety and health This criterion entails several aspects with respect to Holm et al. (2012) urban mobility. First, the incidence of trafﬁc accidents involving pedestrians and cyclists requires attention. Second, planners need to consider the prevailing activity levels of people and their state of physical ﬁtness. Finally, the quality of the physical environment in terms of ambient air pollution and available green space is critical. In aggregate, these factors provide an indication of the actual practices that are reasonable and point to opportunities for improvement. 8. Social inclusion Social inclusion (and exclusion) is a function of both Hodson and Marvin (2009); Frank social dynamics and built environmental conditions. et al. (2010); Gehl (2010); This is primarily a matter of vehicular infrastructure taking precedence over walking and cycling infrastructure, but can also entail cycling being privileged over walking. Beyond physical segregation and favouritism, there are questions pertaining to socially dynamic practices surrounding non-motorised forms of urban mobility. (Continued) International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 165 (Continued). Planning criteria Explanation Key references 9. Travel speed and Travel speed refers to the amount of time it takes to Nielsen et al. (2013); Jensen (2013); experiential transit between primary origins and destinations. Snizek et al. (2013) quality This criterion also considers the quality of the travel experience, especially in the context of journeys that need to be made within a speciﬁc timeframe (such as commuting to work). Other trips can extend for longer periods of time, especially if the experience itself is deemed to be positive. 10. Ease of This criterion refers to the ease with which users can Moudon and Lee (2003); Xing and intermodality transfer between different urban mobility systems Handy (2009); Frank et al. (2010) and the provisions that are in place to enable travellers to seamlessly navigate trips involving different modes.

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Anticipating post-automobility: design policies for fostering urban mobility transitions

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Anticipating post-automobility: design policies for fostering urban mobility transitions

Anticipating post-automobility: design policies for fostering urban mobility transitions

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