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Exposure to Violence and Beliefs About Violence Against Women Among Adolescents in Nigeria and South Africa:

Exposure to Violence and Beliefs About Violence Against Women Among Adolescents in Nigeria and... Although adolescents’ exposure to violence and oppressive gender attitudes is prevalent, comparative knowledge across countries is sparse. This study examined exposure to intimate partner violence (IPV), family violence, and beliefs about violence against women (VAW) in a convenience sample of 2,462 adolescents from 44 schools in Nigeria and South Africa. Findings suggested that exposure to IPV, family violence, and beliefs about VAW differed by gender and country. Specifically, adolescents from Nigeria were more likely to be exposed to IPV and family violence and were more likely to endorse VAW than adolescents from South Africa. Male adolescents were more likely to endorse VAW than were female adolescents. Similarly, higher age, being male, being from Nigeria, being in a relationship, and greater exposure to family violence were associated with higher endorsement of VAW. Findings suggest that effective prevention programs are needed in both countries to mitigate exposure to IPV and family violence. Concerted efforts are also required to work with exposed adolescents to inhibit pro-VAW beliefs and stop the intergenerational transmission of violence. Additional implications of findings for policy, practice, and research are discussed. Keywords adolescent exposure to violence, gender-based violence, violence against women, intimate partner violence, family violence, gender attitudes, adolescent beliefs, South Africa, Nigeria 2017; Ho & Cheung, 2010; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell, & Introduction Dunkle, 2011; Mueller, Jouriles, McDonald, & Rosenfield, Adolescents in various regions of the world are directly (e.g., 2013; Stoddard, Heinze, Choe, & Zimmerman, 2015; through victimization) and indirectly (e.g., through witness- Weaver, Borkowski, & Whitman, 2008), the majority of ing) exposed to multiple forms of violence (e.g., physical, research has focused primarily on individual countries emotional, sexual) in multiple settings (e.g., schools, family, (Russell et al., 2014). Comparative knowledge about ado- community). However, the level of such exposure cannot be lescents’ exposure to violence across countries, especially fully captured due to underreporting and unfavorable social in Africa, is relatively sparse. In addition, knowledge about conditions mitigating against disclosing the violence they the attitudinal effects of adolescents’ exposures to violence experience (Afolabi & Deij, 2014; Ajuwon, Fawole, & across countries according to gender remains limited in the Osungbade, 2011; Rasool, 2011, 2015, 2017; Eze, 2013; body of empirical research. Therefore, the purpose of this Human Rights Watch, 2018; Olukemi & Folakemi, 2015). article is to examine adolescents’ exposure to IPV and Adolescents assimilate attitudes, beliefs, and values family violence and to determine the extent to which such that encourage violent behaviors against women and girls exposure is related to endorsement of negative beliefs through socialization at home and in the community, when about VAW in Nigeria and South Africa. Specifically, the exposed to intimate partner violence (IPV) and violence article is written to determine whether adolescents’ against women (VAW). Although studies have indicated that such exposure has multiple effects, including but not Westfield State University, MA, USA limited to poor psychosocial outcomes, intergenerational University of Johannesburg, Auckland Park, South Africa transmission of violence, perpetration of violence, and Corresponding Author: negative beliefs about VAW in dating and interpersonal Sunday B. Fakunmoju, Westfield State University, 577 Western Avenue, relationships (Abrahams & Jewkes, 2005; Barker et al., Westfield, MA 01806, USA. 2011; Heinze, Stoddard, Aiyer, Eisman, & Zimmerman, Email: SFakunmoju@westfield.ma.edu Creative Commons CC BY: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (http://www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access pages (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/open-access-at-sage). 2 SAGE Open exposure to IPV and family violence differ by gender and Correlates and Effects of Exposure to Violence country and whether such exposure is associated with neg- and Beliefs About VAW ative beliefs about VAW across Nigeria and South Africa. As indicated in past studies, both direct exposure (e.g., vic- Adolescents refer to persons between 10 and 19 years of timization) and indirect exposure (e.g., witnessing violence) age (Miller et al., 2017; World Health Organization have effects on adolescents’ negative beliefs about VAW, as [WHO], n.d.). well as on their physical and mental well-being and behavior (e.g., depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder, aggression, delinquency, violent behaviors, low self-esteem; Rationale for the Examination Heinze et al., 2017; Ho & Cheung, 2010; Stoddard et al., Several factors underlie the rationale for examining ado- 2015; Weaver et al., 2008). These psychosocial outcomes lescents’ exposure to violence across countries. The find- entail significant social and health costs because of their ings may identify common experiences, perceptions, complex public health repercussions. attitudes, stereotypes, and beliefs associated with VAW Types of violence to which adolescents are exposed may across countries to enhance knowledge of common or have differential effects. Ho and Cheung (2010) indicated variable factors that influence perpetuation of these phe- that exposure to school violence and victimization by domes- nomena to contribute to prevention programs. The find- tic violence were related to emotional problems, whereas ings will contribute to identifying the nature and settings community violence was related to behavior problems (e.g., of IPV and risk factors for endorsement of VAW to reduce aggression, delinquency). Students with a “history of inter- adolescents’ risks of exposure. The findings can also be parental violence . . . had a higher likelihood of experiencing useful in identifying strategies for minimizing the effects violence” than students who were not exposed to interparen- of exposure. tal violence (Umana, Fawole, & Adeoye, 2014, p. 1). Comparative knowledge provides the basis for shar- Nevertheless, a common effect of exposure to violence is the ing effective preventive measures for violence against perpetration of violence. As indicated in several studies, women and girls (VAWG) across regions that could be exposure to violence and intergenerational transmission of translated to education and awareness-raising about violence are significant predictors of perpetration of violence adolescents’ exposure to IPV and family violence. A (Barker et al., 2011; Jewkes et al., 2011). cross-cultural examination can help to identify the coun- Beyond its effects on perpetration of violence, exposure tries in which adolescents are more susceptible to expo- to violence has effects on adolescents’ beliefs about VAW, sure to violence to increase public awareness and primarily because exposure often underlies acceptance and implement education interventions in that context. perpetration of violence during adolescence and adulthood Cross-country comparisons can isolate over-arching (Abrahams & Jewkes, 2005; Mueller et al., 2013). For exam- risk factors that may be linked to patriarchal systems ple, on one hand, it was recently noted that exposure to and across countries, as opposed to country-specific factors experience of sexual partner violence was associated with that may be related to the sociohistorical context of the tolerance of sexual partner violence by both boys and girls target countries (e.g., apartheid in South Africa and (Mason-Jones et al., 2016; Pöllänen et al., 2018). Adolescents colonialism, tribal war, and religious conflict in Nigeria). who were psychologically abused, on the other hand, were An examination of adolescents’ exposure to violence more likely to endorse domestic violence (Kunnuji, 2015). may generate practical insight that can “help interven- Finally, exposure to violence has poor psychosocial out- tion developers plan the content of interventions” and comes for adolescents and contributes to intergenerational “help interventionists and policy makers and lawmakers transmission of violence. develop appropriate educational and legislative cam- paigns” (Pöllänen, de Vries, Mathews, Schneider, & de Exposure to Violence and Beliefs About VAW: Vries, 2018, p. 4) that may have cross-cultural relevance Cultural Factors for preventing VAW. Critically, cross-cultural examinations may generate Across societies, cultural norms and practices remain potent knowledge that could have broad-based impacts on interna- mechanisms for transmitting views about what is acceptable tional transferability of policy and interventions for combat- behavior for women and men, as well as how men and women ing adolescents’ exposure to and beliefs about violence. In should be perceived and treated. The World Development general, understanding cross-cultural similarities and differ- Bank Report (World Bank, 2012) suggested that ences in exposure to violence and their effects on endorse- ment of VAW is important due to their implications for gender roles provide guides to normative behaviors for each sex identifying preventive and protective measures and policies within certain social contexts. Roles gain power as they are that could be shared across cultures to minimize exposure to learned through socialization, elaborated in cultural products, IPV and family violence. and enacted in daily life. The repeated experience of performing Fakunmoju and Rasool 3 gender roles affects widely shared beliefs about men’s and have exposed women to domestic violence” (Abdullahi, women’s attributes and one’s own sense of identity. Social norms Cusairi, & Abdullah, 2017, p. 273) and contributed to women refer to patterns of behavior that flow from socially shared beliefs being blamed for violence against them in Nigeria. In South and are enforced by informal social sanctions. (p. 8) Africa, female genital mutilation is banned and criminalized (Makundi, 2009). By being socialized into values, beliefs, attitudes, and roles that predispose them to victimization of violence and dimin- Exposure to Violence and Beliefs About VAW: ishes their capacity for resistance, women remain the captive Demographic Factors audience to violent masculinities that are legitimized by gen- der norms and power inequality (Baloyi, 2010; Buiten & Although exposure to cultural norms and practices are Naidoo, 2013, 2016; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell, & Dunkle, important influencers of VAW behaviors and beliefs held by 2010). adolescents, numerous studies have consistently indicated Some types of social norms, beliefs, and practices are that there are gender differences in exposure to violence and present in both Nigeria and South Africa. In both countries, pro-VAW beliefs. Boys seem more likely to hold sexual vio- women are expected to submit sexually to their husbands and lence–supportive attitudes and beliefs than girls (Mason- may be blamed for violent reactions by their men (Fakunmoju, Jones et al., 2016; Pöllänen et al., 2018) and men also seem Abrefa-gyan, & Maphosa, 2018; Hargreaves, Vetten, more likely to encourage or endorse violence-supportive atti- Schneider, Malepe, & Fuller, 2006; Oyediran & Isiugo- tudes and practices against women (Adika, Agada, Bodise- Abanihe, 2005). In both countries, women are often treated Ere, & Ojokojo, 2013; Fakunmoju, Bammeke, Oyekanmi, as the personal properties of their husbands following pay- Temilola, & George, 2016a, 2016b). For example, from ment of a bride price (labola in South Africa and dowry in examining gender differences in beliefs about forced sex, De Nigeria). Financial dependency of women, due to occupa- Vries et al. (2014) found that boys “held a more positive tional segregation and discrimination, means that women are view about forced sex than girls . . . . The perception that often dependent on men for their and their children’s eco- peers and friends considered forced sex to be an effective nomic survival, which increases their exposure to violence way to punish a female partner was also more common (Rasool, 2011, 2016). In Nigeria and South Africa, men often among boys” (p. 1087). In addition, De Vries et al. (2014) use and endorse violence to maintain power and control over suggested that some adolescent girls have bought into the women (Abrahams, Jewkes, & Laubsher, 1999; Fakunmoju belief that sexual coercion is an “expression of love” and et al., 2018; Oluremi, 2015) and some invoke a misconceived believe that “silence and submission” is the appropriate perception of masculinity to justify VAW. response” to sexual coercion (p. 1088). In some cases, sub- Some types of VAW are contextually specific to a given mission may be the only option for women and girls who are country and may not be as prevalent in another country. For vulnerable, especially in contexts where formal state example, “jack rolling” (i.e., gang rape of women as payback responses to VAW are poor and unsupportive and often con- for perceived misdeeds or disreputable pleasures), “virgin tribute to the revictimization of survivors. These gender dif- cleansing” (i.e., the belief that a man will be cured of his ferences in beliefs may be in part attributed to differences in HIV/AIDS by having sex with a virgin girl), and “corrective the socialization experiences of boys and girls. For example, rape” (i.e., a practice in which lesbians are raped in the guise boys are socialized to be tough and to engage in aggressive of curing them of lesbianism) persist in South Africa (Koraan and high-risk behaviors, while females are socialized to be & Geduld, 2015; Leclerc-Madlala, 2002; Mokwena, 1991). sensitive to the needs and feelings of others (Crespi, 2003; In some communities in South Africa, women are prohibited Ho & Cheung, 2010). from leaving the marital home even in cases of IPV and they Exposure seems to also affect boys and girls differently. are expected to be “obedient” to their male partners or hus- Even though boys are exposed to violence more often than bands (Hargreaves et al., 2006). A similar situation is evident girls, research indicates that exposure to violence has more in some Nigerian communities, where women are expected traumatic effects on girls than on boys (Pinchevsky, Wright, to be submissive to their husbands and it is considered a & Fagan, 2013; Zona & Milan, 2011) and results in more taboo for women to divorce their husbands, although the aggressive behaviors by boys than by girls (Huesmann & husbands could divorce their wives at will (Enwereji, 2008). Guerra, 1997; Stoddard et al., 2015). Hence, exposure to In Nigeria, female genital mutilation is still widely prac- violence enhances more favorable views of aggressive ticed, disinheritance of women and girls is prominent (in behaviors among boys, than girls (Huesmann & Guerra, many communities, property can pass only between persons 1997), and girls who are exposed are more likely to become of the same gender, so women may not inherit from fathers; victims. Boys may be influenced by their experiences to jus- in Muslim communities, women inherit far less than men), tify their perpetration of VAW as normal and expected and preference for male children persists (Igbelina-Igbokwe, behavior from their gender; while girls may be influenced to 2013). Furthermore, “norms about marriage system, the pre- normalize their victimization experiences based on their dominant position of male children, and forced marriage, exposure. 4 SAGE Open In addition, exposure to violence has differential effects in the east and the Arewa Youth Consultative Forum (AYCF) on children across age. In a recent report by Child Trends in the north; (d) ethnic, religious, communal, and intercom- (2016), it was indicated that “all types of exposure to vio- munal violence; and (e) violent crime and insecurity in many lence were more common among older children and adoles- parts of the country. More men are beating their women to cents” and “the type of violence children are exposed to death (Musawa, 2016; Ugbodaga, 2015) and more women increases in severity with age” (p. 5). Similarly, from a meta- are using weapons (e.g., knife) to inflict injury on their men analysis of IPV across 30 low- and middle-income countries, during domestic violence (Audu, 2015). Regrettably, a taboo interaction of age and country indicated that young adult against discussion and the stigma of reporting domestic vio- women demonstrated higher risks than adult women and that lence limit the scope of knowledge about partner violence, adolescents demonstrated a comparable risk for partner vio- which is generally believed to cut across socioeconomic and lence (Decker et al., 2015). It is therefore not surprising that religious backgrounds (Sogade, 2016; Uzuegbunam, 2013). “young age of partners, low socioeconomic status . . . are As recently noted by Animasaun (2017), domestic vio- associated with family violence across nations and cultures” lence in Nigeria is increasing at an alarming rate, where (Marrie-Marthe & Gilles, 2004, p. 945, emphasis added). “according to the National Demographic and Health Survey The role of relationship status is relevant to understanding in 2008, over a quarter of the population of Nigerian women relationship violence among adolescents, as well as beliefs experienced domestic violence” (para. 6). In a recent survey that they hold about VAW. In South Africa, adolescents on domestic violence in Nigeria, 54% of respondents reported accept and engage in VAW (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010; either being victims or knowing someone who was a victim Sathiparsad, 2008), particularly in the context of relation- of domestic violence (NOI Polls, 2016). The majority (75%) ship. In a recent qualitative study by Mosavel, Ahmed, and identified women as victims of domestic violence. A similar Simon (2012), girls reported sexually coercive behaviors by past national victimization survey by Centre for Law boys, whereas boys justified sexual coercion of girls by Enforcement Education [CLEEN] Foundation (2013) found claiming that girls often exploit boys for their money and to an increase in domestic violence from 21% in 2011 to 30% in procure expensive material possessions (Mosavel et al., 2013, with 31% of respondents reporting having been vic- 2012). Because many incidents of IPV occur in the context tims of domestic violence. of relationships, relationship status may thus be a risk factor A recent study of female health workers in Southeast in victimization and perpetration of IPV and for endorsement Nigeria suggest that 56.6% of them reported a lifetime expe- of beliefs about VAW. However, types of VAW such as rience of abuse with verbal (100%) and sexual abuse (71.7%) sexual harassment which occur outside of relationships are being the most frequently cited types of abuse experienced less likely to be reported or considered violence. (Aguocha et al., 2017). Among university students in Ibadan, the lifetime prevalence of IPV was 42.3% with psychologi- cal violence (41.8%) being the most frequently cited lifetime Violence in Nigeria and South Africa experience of violence (Umana et al., 2014). Although sus- While violent masculinities remains a problematic reality in ceptibility to various forms of crime and violence in Nigeria understanding VAW, “context and history” of Nigeria and cuts across gender, recent reports suggest that most acts of South Africa, as well as “variations and subtleties in mani- physical and sexual violence against women are perpetrated festations of patriarchy,” must be understood, since VAW by husbands (Ine, 2012; NOI Polls, 2016; Orpin, may be seen as the product of “socially constructed gender Papadopoulos, & Puthussery, 2017). Victimization of GBV norms and power” (Buiten & Naidoo, 2016, p. 537) in both or all types of violence was more prevalent among females countries. Many scholars (Gordon, 1996; Hunnicutt, 2009; than males, whereas perpetration was more prevalent among Rasool, 2011; Walby, 1990) attribute VAW to patriarchy, males than females (NOI Polls, 2016; Ogunjuyigbe, Akinlo, which is considered to be a system of social, legal, political, & Ebigbola, 2005). Victimization of violence is not limited religious, and economic arrangements designed to enhance to adults; children are also victims of violence. From a study male power and dominance on one hand and reinforce female conducted in Northern Nigeria, “22.8%, 22.2% and 50.8% of subordination on the other hand. adolescents experienced physical, sexual or emotional vio- In Nigeria, violence pervades every sphere of social life lence respectively” by colleagues, strangers, husbands, and (Irene, 2016; Osawe, 2015) and manifests in various dimen- boyfriends (Iliyasu, Abubakar, Aliyu, Galadanci, & Salihu, sions, including (a) religious terrorism through Boko Haram 2011, p. 111). in the north, culminating in human displacements, kidnap- In South Africa, many children are raised in families ping of adolescents, and loss of property and lives; (b) eco- where women are at risk of partner violence (Abrahams & nomic violence and sabotage through bombing of oil Jewkes, 2005), and even post-apartheid VAW continues to installations by Niger Delta Avengers in the delta region; (c) manifest in various dimensions. VAW is reported to be wide- sociopolitical unrest and secessionist movements such as the spread, pervasive, underreported, and inextricably linked Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of with other social problems (Mosavel et al., 2012). For exam- Biafra (MASSOB) and Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) ple, 20% of women older than 18 reported a history of Fakunmoju and Rasool 5 physical violence (as high as 40% for divorced or separated in January 2014, Nigeria prohibits and penalizes homosexu- women) and 6% reported a history of sexual violence (as ality, whereas homosexual relationships are legal in South high as 16% for divorced or separated women) (National Africa. Department of Health [NDoH], Statistics South Africa While South Africa is racially and ethnically diverse, [StatsSA], Southern African Medical Research Council Nigeria is racially homogeneous, although it has ethnic/ [SAMRC], & Inner City Fund [ICF], 2017; StatsSA, 2018). tribal and religious diversity. Both countries lag in gender Younger women and divorced or separated women were egalitarianism and should have more robust national strat- more likely to be victims of physical and sexual violence by egies to combat VAW (Human Rights Watch, 2018). Both an intimate partner “and three women die at the hands of Nigeria and South Africa have a history of political their partner every day” (Human Rights Watch, 2018; NDoH oppression: while South Africa has a history of apartheid, et al., 2017, para. 17). Violence is reported among adoles- Nigeria has a history of colonialism, military rule, and cents, too. In a study by Russell et al. (2014), “over 10% of civil war. Although both countries have a history of politi- boys reported forcing a partner to have sex, and 39% of girls cal corruption, the historical and structural basis of politi- reported physical IPV (intimate partner violence) victimiza- cal oppression and corruption by the state in Nigeria is tion” (p. 283, emphasis added). Similarly, in a cross-sectional more pervasive (Yagboyaju, 2017). Limiting women’s school-based study in South Africa, 1 in 4 adolescents had access to political positions, bribery, nepotism, siphoning experienced gender-based violence before the age of 18 of public resources to private purses, weakening of public (Rasool, 2017). Hence, rates of VAW are high in both institutions and regulatory agencies, and impunity of poli- contexts. ticians and military rulers are more prominent in Nigeria (Yagboyaju, 2017). While some of these issues are bur- geoning in South Africa, the new democracy is compara- Sociocultural Similarities and Differences tively better functioning. Between Nigeria and South Africa In general, as “there are differential effects of risks associ- The cultural practices of many South Africa and Nigerian ated with different forms and settings of exposure to vio- communities favor collectivism rather than individualism lence” (Ho & Cheung, 2010, p. 1310, emphasis added), (Metz, 2014). Many Nigerian and South African communi- differences in variety of patriarchal structures, egalitarian ties are influenced by patriarchal cultures (Coetzee, 2001; ideals, human development levels, and human rights abuses Makama, 2013). Although the effects of patriarchal struc- across societies may have implications for differences in tures on VAW beliefs and practices are visible in both coun- exposure to IPV and family violence as well as beliefs about tries, Nigeria and South Africa differ on some key components VAW and responses thereto. which could contribute to explanations related to the variet- ies of patriarchy, including human development level, gen- The Present Study der egalitarianism, and human rights abuses. For example, Nigeria has poorer human rights records on VAW and Based on the above review, the following hypotheses were remains a high-risk country with regard to violation of human developed: rights, ranking 10th of 197 countries, whereas South Africa remains a medium-risk country (Maplecroft, 2014). With Hypothesis 1: Adolescents in Nigeria will be more likely regard to the human freedom index, South Africa (personal to report higher exposure to family violence and IPV and 70/159, economic 105/159) ranked higher than Nigeria (per- to endorse beliefs about VAW than adolescents in South sonal 145/159, 113/159) in personal and economic freedom Africa. (Vásquez & Porčnik, 2016). Hypothesis 2: Male adolescents will be more likely to Nigeria scores poorly with regard to gender parity in the endorse beliefs about VAW than female adolescents. Gender Development Index (GDI). Nigeria is in the Group 5 Hypothesis 3: Age, gender, country, relationship status, category, which includes countries with the lowest scores and exposure to family violence will be related to beliefs among all countries measured with regard to equality about VAW. between men and women using the Human Development Index (HDI; Jahan et al., 2016). South Africa, however, is in Method the Group 2 category, which includes countries with medium to high levels of equality between men and women in HDI Design measurements (Jahan et al., 2016). Nigeria passed the A cross-sectional survey was conducted in Nigeria and Violence against Persons (Prohibition) Act in 2015 South Africa. In Nigeria, research assistants collected data (Onyemelukwe, 2016), similar to the Domestic Violence Act from 13 public high schools in six school districts in Lagos No. 116 of 1998 (Domestic Violence Act, No. 116, 1998) that State. In South Africa, fourth-year social work university South Africa had passed 15 years earlier. Following promul- students administered the survey to entry-level high school gation of the Same Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act (SSMPA) 6 SAGE Open adolescents from 30 high schools in Johannesburg. The Measures Institutional Review Board of Westfield State University, The adolescents responded to a series of questions that Massachusetts, United States of America approved the focused on witnessing IPV and family violence in their study for Nigeria and the ethics committee of University of communities. They were also asked a set of questions Johannesburg, South Africa provided ethical clearance for regarding their beliefs about VAW. The questions were the South African study. A total of 3,188 adolescents adapted from previous studies that examined witnessing, (Nigeria = 986, 31%; South Africa = 2,202, 69%) attitudes, and experiences of gender-based violence responded to the survey. Adolescents younger than 12 years (Rasool, 2017; United States Agency for International and older than 18 years were removed from the analysis to Development [USAID], 2006). focus on adolescents between the ages of 12 and 18, and The section exposure to intimate partner violence (IPV) because the outliers were few. Listwise deletion was applied consisted of six questions that captured the extent to which to response sets in which none of the questions about the adolescents had witnessed physical, emotional, or sexual vio- independent and dependent variables was answered, leav- lence and aggression against women by intimate partners in ing a total of 2,462 cases for analysis. Ipsative mean impu- the community. To operationalize exposure to IPV, the ado- tation (Schafer & Graham, 2002) was used to address lescents were asked to indicate the extent to which they had missing data. witnessed abusive or violent behaviors: (a) physical violence against women by men (women being hit, slapped, beaten, or Sample kicked by their husbands or boyfriends), (b) physical aggres- The sample used in the analysis was comprised of 2, 462 sion against women by men (men physically aggressive adolescents (Table 1), with 34.8% (n = 857) from Nigeria toward female intimate partners), (c) emotional abuse against and 65.2% (n = 1,605) from South Africa, as fewer schools women by men (women being emotionally abused, such as were surveyed in Nigeria. The gender composition was being talked to or treated in abusive ways, by their male inti- 56.6% females (n = 1,394) and 43.4% males (n = 1,068). In mate partners), (d) emotional aggression against women by Nigeria, the majority were Yoruba adolescents (n = 594, men (men emotionally aggressive toward their female inti- 71.1%), followed by adolescents who identified their ethnic mate partners), or (e) sexual violence against women by men background as Igbo (n = 128, 15.3%). The majority were (women being forced by their male intimate partners to have living with parents (i.e., father and mother; n = 738, 87.6%), sex against their will). Response choices were never (1), whom most adolescents reported to be married and living sometimes (2), half of the time (3), often (4), and always (5). together (n = 684, 81.1%). Almost half (n = 411, 48.9%) Lower scores indicated lower observation/exposure to VAW resided in a house that belonged to their parents. The major- and higher scores indicated higher observation/exposure to ity (n = 525, 68.0%) reported high school as the highest VAW. Responses were summed for analysis. Cronbach’s level of education of their parents. Three fourths (n = 562, alpha was approximately 80. 75.0%) were not currently in a relationship (Table not The section exposure to family violence consisted of six shown). questions that captured the extent to which adolescents wit- In South Africa, the majority (n = 627, 39.2%) identified nessed physical, emotional, and sexual violence among fam- Zulu as the language spoken mostly since childhood, followed ily members in their community. To operationalize exposure by English (n = 223, 13.9%). Other languages spoken by to family violence, the adolescents were asked to indicate the respondents included Southern Sotho/Sesotho/Sepedi (n = extent to which they had witnessed the abusive or violent 158, 9.9%), Tswana/SeTswana (n = 149, 9.3%), and Xhosa (n behaviors in their neighborhood: (a) physical violence by = 126, 7.9%). Most adolescents (n = 1,089, 70.6%) lived in a partners in the family (partners hit, slapped, beaten, or kicked house. Most (n = 577, 38.8%) reported that their parents/ by opposite-gender family members), (b) physical aggres- guardians were married or a legal couple, but almost as many sion in the family (family members physically aggressive (n = 514, 34.6%) reported that their parent or guardian was toward other members), (c) emotional aggression in the fam- single and had never legally married. The majority (n = 651, ily (family members emotionally aggressive toward other 45.1%) reported the educational background of their parents members), and (d) sexual violence in the family (family or guardians as Grade 12, although a third (n = 438, 30.4%) members forced by their partners to have sex against their also reported postschool qualification as the educational back- will). Response choices were never (1), sometimes (2), half ground of their parents or guardians. The majority (n = 893, of the time (3), often (4), and always (5). Lower scores indi- 62.3%) were not currently in a relationship (Table not shown). cated lower observation/exposure to relationship violence Overall, the average age of the adolescents was 14.43 years and higher scores indicated higher observation/exposure to (SD = 1.34 years, range 12 to 18). However, adolescents in relationship violence. Responses were summed for analysis. Nigeria (M = 15.57, SD = 1.30) were more likely to be older Cronbach’s alpha was .72. than adolescents in South Africa (M = 13.81, SD = 0.88), The section beliefs about violence against women con- t(1286) = 35.57, p < .0005). sisted of five questions that captured the extent to which Fakunmoju and Rasool 7 Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Respondents. South Africa (SA) Nigeria (NG) Total n = 1,605 n = 857 N = 2,462 Sample characteristics n % n % N % Age (years) M = 14.43, SD = 1.34, range 12–18 Gender Female 953 59.4 441 51.5 1,394 56.6 Male 652 40.6 416 48.5 1,068 43.4 Primary language/ethnic background English 223 13.9 Zulu 627 39.2 Xhosa 126 7.9 Tswana/SeTswana 149 9.3 Southern Sotho/Sesotho/Sepedi 158 9.9 Others 316 19.8 Yoruba 594 71 Igbo 128 15.3 Hausa 29 3.5 Other (please specify) 86 10.3 Person currently living with Parents (father/mother) 738 87.6 Uncle/aunt/senior brother/senior sister 45 5.3 Grandparents 39 4.6 Other relatives/guardians 20 2.4 Marital status of parents Single/never legally married 514 34.6 Widowed/divorced 155 10.4 20 2.4 Living with a partner/Married but not living together 240 16.2 86 10.2 Married/legal couple 577 38.8 684 81.1 Deceased (mother/father)/Others 53 6.2 Educational background of parents Primary school 139 9.6 Up to Grade 10 214 14.8 Grade 12 651 45.1 525 68 Postschool qualification/Ordinary National Diploma 438 30.4 54 7 Bachelor/Higher National Diploma 59 7.6 Master/Doctor of Philosophy/Others 134 17.3 Note. Figure may not add to total due to missing data. Afrikaans (49), Vanda (35), Tsonga (43), Xitsonga (80), SiSwati (10), Northern Sotho (70), and Ndebele (29). adolescents endorse beliefs about violence directed against something wrong, her husband/boyfriend has the right to pun- women by men, attribute blame to women for the violence ish her), (d) beliefs that absolve men from taking responsibil- directed against them by men, or believe that women should ity for their violence by blaming women for being raped endure the violence that is directed against them by men. To (when a woman is raped, she is usually to blame for putting operationalize beliefs about VAW, the adolescents were asked herself in that situation), and (e) beliefs that a women has con- to indicate the extent to which agreed or disagreed with the sented to sex if she does not fight back physically, and there- belief statements: (a) the belief that physical violence against fore was not raped (if a woman does not physically fight back, women is justified in certain circumstances (there are times it is not rape). Response choices were strongly disagree (1), when a woman deserves to be beaten), (b) the belief that disagree (2), neither agree nor disagree (3), agree (4), and women must tolerate violence for family preservation strongly agree (5). Lower scores indicated lower endorse- (a woman should tolerate violence in order to keep her family ment of beliefs about VAW and higher scores indicated higher together), (c) the belief that men have a right to punish endorsement of beliefs about VAW. Responses were summed their partners for perceived misconduct (if a woman does for analysis. Cronbach’s alpha was .58. 8 SAGE Open Table 2. Means and Standard Deviations of Exposure to Intimate Partner Violence, Exposure to Family Violence, and Beliefs About Violence Against Women, by Gender and Country. Country Gender South Africa Nigeria Male Female Total Variable M(SD) M(SD) M(SD) M(SD) M(SD) Exposure to intimate partner violence 2.17 .99 2.34 .95 2.23 .98 2.23 .99 2.23 .98 Exposure to family violence 1.98 .91 2.17 .93 2.09 .95 2.01 .89 2.04 .92 Belief about violence against women 2.21 .92 2.60 .69 2.49 .79 2.24 .78 2.35 .79 violence, and beliefs about VAW were significantly higher Data Analysis than the average scores of adolescents in South Africa (Table Two-way multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) and 2). Specifically, adolescents in Nigeria were more likely to multiple regression analyses were conducted to test the report higher exposure to IPV, higher exposure to family vio- hypotheses. To determine whether exposure to IPV, exposure lence, and higher endorsement of beliefs about VAW than to family violence, and beliefs about VAW differed by gen- adolescents in South Africa. der and country (Hypotheses 1 and 2), a two-way MANOVA was conducted. To measure the relationships among demo- Effects of Gender on Beliefs About VAW graphic covariates, country, relationship status, exposure to IPV, exposure to family violence, and beliefs about VAW Consistent with Hypothesis 2, the average scores of male (Hypothesis 3), a multiple regression analysis (simultaneous adolescents on beliefs about VAW were significantly higher entry) was conducted. Descriptive statistics were used to than the average scores of female adolescents (Table 2). examine the demographic characteristics of respondents and Specifically, male adolescents were more likely to report an independent-samples t test was used to determine whether stronger endorsement of beliefs about VAW than were female respondent age differed by country. SPSS 20™ (IBM adolescents. Corporation, 2011) was utilized to analyze the data. Relationships Among Exposure to IPV, Exposure Results to Family Violence, and Beliefs About VAW An examination of bivariate correlations indicated that the The overall model describing the relationships among three dependent variables were significantly correlated. demographic covariates, country, relationship status, expo- Specifically, exposure to IPV correlated with beliefs about sure to IPV, exposure to family violence, and beliefs about VAW, r = .18 (p = .01), exposure to family violence cor- VAW was significant, F(6, 1939) = 46.66, p < .0005. As related with beliefs about VAW, r = .22 (p = .01), and indicated in Table 3, age (β = .12, p < .0005), gender exposure to IPV correlated with exposure to family vio- (β = -.12, p < .0005), country (β = .14, p < .0005), rela- lence, r = .75 (p = .01). Using Pillai’s Trace, there was a tionship status (β = .05, p = .034), and exposure to family statistically significant multivariate main effect of exposure violence (β = .206, p < .0005) were associated with beliefs to IPV, exposure to family violence, and beliefs about VAW about VAW. Specifically, higher age, being male, being by country, V = .054, F(3, 2153) = 40.80, p < .0005, par- from Nigeria, being in a relationship, and having experi- tial eta squared = .054, and by gender, V = .022, F(3, 2153) enced more exposure to family violence were associated = 16.11, p < .0005, partial eta squared = .022. The inter- with higher endorsement of beliefs about VAW (Hypothesis action effects of gender and country were nonsignificant. 3). The model accounted for approximately 13% (adjusted Results of tests of between-subjects effects further sug- R = .12) of the variance in beliefs about VAW. gested that country had an effect on exposure to IPV (F[1] = 14.15; p < .0005), exposure to family violence (F[1] = 20.60; p < .0005), and beliefs about VAW (F[1] = 116.73; Discussions p < .0005) and that gender had an effect on beliefs about VAW (F[1] = 41.86; p < .0005). This study examined adolescents’ indirect exposure to IPV and family violence and measured the extent to which such exposure was related to beliefs about VAW in Nigeria and Effects of Country on Exposure to IPV, Exposure South Africa. When comparing the two countries across to Family Violence, and Beliefs About VAW exposure to IPV and family violence and beliefs about VAW, Consistent with Hypothesis 1, the average scores of adoles- it was found that adolescents from Nigeria were more likely cents in Nigeria on exposure to IPV, exposure to family to be exposed to IPV and family violence and were more Fakunmoju and Rasool 9 Table 3. Multiple Regression Analysis of Predictors of Beliefs About Violence Against Women. 95.0% Confidence interval Variable β t p LB UB Age .12 4.12 < .0005 .04 .10 Gender −.12 −5.51 < .0005 −.26 −.12 Country .14 4.88 < .0005 .14 .32 Relationship status .05 2.12 .034 .01 .15 Exposure to intimate partner violence .03 0.78 .436 −.03 .07 Exposure to family violence .17 5.36 < .0005 .09 .21 Note. Categorized variables as follows: Gender = Male (0), Female (1); Country = Nigeria (1), South Africa (0); Relationship status = Has boyfriend/ girlfriend (1), Does not have boyfriend/girlfriend (0). LB = Lower bound; UB = Upper bound. likely to endorse beliefs about VAW than were adolescents minimizing resistance to oppressive norms. Hence, religion from South Africa. Male adolescents were also found to be seems to be much more of a factor in Nigeria than in South more likely to endorse VAW than were female adolescents. Africa, although the role of religion in perpetuating poor Similar examination of the association between exposure to gender attitudes that reinforce VAW should not be underesti- IPV and family violence and beliefs about VAW, controlling mated in any context, since adolescents learn about the role for demographic characteristics, showed that higher age, of women in intimate relationships based on their religious being male, being from Nigeria, being in a relationship, and learning, which propagates the submissiveness of women higher exposure to family violence were related to higher and a dominance of men. beliefs about VAW. The demographic data indicated that the majority (more than 81%) of the Nigerian adolescents reported that their par- ents were married, compared to 38.8% in South Africa. In Effects of Gender and Country on Exposure to South Africa, 10.4% of the parents were divorced or wid- IPV, Exposure to Family Violence, and Beliefs owed, compared to 2.4% in Nigeria. It could be that more About VAW Nigerian adolescents are living with their parents, a possible The findings that adolescents from Nigeria were more likely explanation of high levels of exposure to IPV and family vio- to be exposed to both IPV and family violence than adoles- lence, which were subsequently related to endorsement of cents from South Africa provide a unique opportunity to VAW. This is very different in South Africa, where “45,6% of understand cross-national differences in experience among black African children lived with only their biological adolescents in the two countries, especially given the lack of mother, while 21,0% lived with neither parent” (StatsSA, comparative knowledge about these differences. Although 2015, p. 5). Exposure to IPV is less likely to be evident if the comparative knowledge about adolescents is minimal, the partners are not living together, as in the South African finding that adolescents from Nigeria were more likely to context. endorse beliefs about VAW than adolescents from South In Nigeria, Nollywood may also have had an influence on Africa is consistent with previous studies that found adult perpetuation of gender stereotypes that contribute to pro- respondents in Nigeria to be more likely to endorse VAW and VAW attitudes. Research in Nigeria has indicated that “access gender stereotypes than respondents in South Africa to radio/TV increased the odds of justifying abuse among (Fakunmoju & Bammeke, 2017; Fakunmoju et al., 2016). women” (Okenwa-Emegwa, Lawoko, & Jansson, 2016, Altogether, these findings can be explained by some p. 1). Furthermore, the content of movies, films, and televi- macro-level differences between the two countries as dis- sion dramas, in particular those from Nollywood, seems to cussed below. Religion plays a stronger role in Nigeria endorse VAW (Adewoye, Odesanya, Abubakar, & Jimoh, (Igbelina-Igbokwe, 2013), which prides itself on religious 2014; Ojukwu & Ezenandu, 2012; Okenwa-Emegwa et al., observance and where it is argued that women’s subordina- 2016; Omoera, Edemode, & Aihevba, 2017), as they often tion is divinely ordained. Extensive research in various con- convey the subliminal message that failure to comply with texts, including South Africa, have indicated that many men’s instructions and any act of insubordination by women religious practices reinforce traditional gender roles and in can result in violent consequences (Okenwa-Emegwa et al., some cases even chastisement of women for transgressing 2016). In South Africa, Nollywood movies are not com- these norms (Fakunmoju et al., 2016; Frahm-Arp, 2015; monly available, and adolescents watch mostly Hollywood Johnson, 2015). As argued by Igbelina-Igbokwe (2013) with movies or South African television programs. While these respect to Nigeria, religion remains a weapon of subjugation shows also valorize violence and promote gender stereo- of women, of gaining compliance with expected behaviors types, the extent to which they promote VAW as an accept- from women, of maintaining male privileges, and of able behavior is perhaps more subtle. 10 SAGE Open High levels of violence pervade many aspects of social, exposure, experience, victimization, and perpetration political, economic, religious, and community life in Nigeria remained high. The researchers were similarly concerned as a result of extensive religious, tribal, and ethnic unrest about a social desirability bias. Nevertheless, Nigeria’s (Audu, 2015; Musawa, 2016; Osawe, 2015; Ugbodaga, poorer commitment and actions with respect to addressing 2015). While South Africa also has high violence levels and gender equality at a macro level (Igbelina-Igbokwe, 2013) high crime rates (Institute for Security Studies [ISS], 2017), may be contributing to perpetuation of a culture that allows South Africa has moved to a democratic dispensation and has pro-VAW attitudes to flourish. a constitution that promotes human rights and gender equal- ity (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996). It Effects of Demographics on Beliefs About VAW would nevertheless be interesting to determine what types of violence are more prevalent in Nigeria than in South Africa Age. It is not surprising that older adolescents were more that make Nigerian adolescents more likely to have pro- likely to hold poorer gender beliefs, since they are also more VAW beliefs. likely to have been exposed to violence over a longer period Developmentally speaking, Nigeria overall has a poorer and have had more time to entrench poor attitudes and views record with regards to human rights violations than South that are socially acceptable in their communities. If VAW is Africa (Maplecroft, 2014). Nigeria is in the High Inequality normalized and accepted as a part of marriage and life, as has and High HDI loss category; South Africa is in the Medium been articulated in various studies (Abdullahi et al., 2017; HDI category and has improved in all HDI measures in recent Rasool, 2012, 2015; Hargreaves et al., 2006; Jewkes et al., years (Jahan et al., 2016). In addition, Nigeria has much 2011), then older boys are more likely to replicate these higher levels of gender inequality than South Africa, based on socialized beliefs and behaviors. Further, older boys are also the GDI indicators (Jahan et al., 2016). Igbelina-Igbokwe more likely than younger boys to be in relationships and to (2013) confirms that gender inequality is rampant even in the be sexually active (Slap et al., 2003), which means that they political sphere in Nigeria since, “formal and informal” will have more opportunities to re-enact violence in their oppressive patriarchal structures operate to exclude women own relationships and perform traditionally oppressive roles from “participation in governance” and “corridors of powers” and behaviors against women that they have learned from that sustain male privileges in patriarchal structures (p. 4). their role models or from exposure to media/films. Further South Africa has high quotas for the inclusion of women into watching the power of violence and the fear that it engenders parliament and there is legislation to address the racial and in their families may be appealing to adolescents who are in gender imbalance in all spheres of society. Hence, South an insecure stage of finding themselves and who are in need Africa has taken active steps to address the” non-racial,” of validation (Beksinska et al., 2014), hence they may then “non-sexist” clauses that are embedded in the constitution. replicate these behaviours. Boys in Nigeria were older than Moreover, South Africa enacted legislation to deal with those in South Africa, which could also contribute to explain domestic violence 15 years earlier than Nigeria. This legisla- the higher levels of pro-VAW attitudes in Nigeria. tion is important because it brings VAW into the public domain and allows victims to report violence and have access Gender. The finding that male adolescents were more likely to protection mechanisms (Rasool, 2011), which is not pos- to endorse VAW than female adolescents is consistent with sible in the absence of a law. In post-apartheid South Africa, previous studies (Adika et al., 2013; Fakunmoju et al., 2016a, women’s groups have been active in lobbying for gender 2016b; Mason-Jones et al., 2016; Pöllänen et al., 2018) and equality in legislation and have been working with various feminist theories that suggest that men are likely to uphold criminal justice institutions for effective implementation of their patriarchal privilege, and support ideas and beliefs that these legislative frameworks. In South Africa, there have reinforce this privilege (Igbelina-Igbokwe, 2013; Rani, been responses within a range of sectors to address VAW Bonu, & Diop-Sidibe, 2004). Men and boys are unlikely to through increased awareness campaigns, both in the media take responsibility for their poor behavior if social norms and in schools (Beksinska, Pillay, Milford, & Smit, 2014). reinforce violent masculinities and provide men with excuses These campaigns and interventions may have to some extent for perpetration of VAW. Findings of a study in Nigeria improved gender attitudes; they could also have produced showed that social norms were influential in “gender-related more socially desirable responses. practices” (Denny & Nwankwo, 2015, p. 17), since in Nige- Although adolescents in South Africa are less supportive ria, men are still considered the head of the household, gen- of VAW in their beliefs, this does not mean that those beliefs der roles continue to be traditionally defined based on to translate into behavior, as many studies (e.g., Abrahams & religious and traditional practices, and VAW is seen as “nor- Jewkes, 2005; Rasool, 2017; Jewkes et al., 2010) have mal” (Abayomi, 2014; Denny & Nwankwo, 2015). Denny reported high levels of adolescent exposure to victimization and Nwankwo (2015) based on their Nigerian study, con- and perpetration. Similarly, a Nigerian study (Denny & firmed that “occasional hitting of women in the household is Nwankwo, 2015) found that, although there was less support considered acceptable, rather than respondents holding a than expected for pro-VAW attitudes in their study, levels of zero-tolerance attitude toward VAWG” (p. 26). Fakunmoju and Rasool 11 Odimegwu, Okemgbo, and Ayila (2010) contend that, in Despite the above strengths, the study has limitations. A Nigeria, pro-VAW attitudes are common due to the belief causal relationship is not implied by the findings by the that the act of men beating their wives is an expression of nature of cross-sectional research. Instead, findings can be love. Similar findings of the acceptability and normalization understood in terms of the association between the examined of VAW, as well as notions that abuse is love, were evident in variables. While the age range of respondents was 12 to 18 South Africa (Rasool, 2015, 2016; Boonzaier & De la Rey, years, the fact that the respondents in Nigeria were more 2003). Hence, it is not unexpected that adolescent boys have likely to be older than those in South Africa suggests that the maintained beliefs that are pro-VAW, since socialization of current findings should be interpreted with caution pending boys reinforces violent masculinities that are supportive of the outcomes of future studies. Since the data were collected male VAW. These findings seem to provide support for the from adolescents in major metropolitan areas, the findings persistence of patriarchy in South Africa and Nigeria, despite may not be generalizable to adolescents in rural or other the subtleties and variations that may exist in the tapestry of urban and peri-urban areas of either country. Because expo- patriarchies evident in these two very different countries. sure to IPV and family violence may differ between urban and rural areas, these findings are not generalizable to urban Relationship status. Relationship status was found to be asso- and rural areas. They also cannot be generalized to other eth- ciated with negative beliefs about women and pro-VAW atti- nic or race groups or across the class divide. tudes. Entering intimate partner relationships is a complex Similarly, countries differ in efforts and campaigns and difficult terrain for adolescents to negotiate. In trying to denouncing VAW, which may have implications for differen- engage partners of the opposite sex, they draw on the rela- tial disclosure of exposure to violence across countries. tionships that they have witnessed in their homes and fami- Adolescents in a country where legal consequences are more lies to guide their views and behaviors. Hence, the influence pronounced may be reluctant to disclose exposure to VAW, of socialization and role modeling of VAWG is replicated by compared to adolescents in a society where VAW is cultur- adolescents in their own relationships. Further, being in a ally and religiously endorsed, with minimal legal conse- relationship forces adolescents to think about their beliefs quences. Our focus on differences across countries did not and to perform gender roles in a real-life situation. If their preclude an understanding of the hierarchical and nested socialization and role models reinforced pro-violence beliefs nature of the examined data and did not imply an absence of and behaviors, the adolescents are more likely to assimilate joint effects of within-school and country similarities and and re-enact these in their own relationships. Adolescence is variations on the examined variables. It also did not preclude the time for engaging in risky behavior (Beksinska et al., our understanding of the moderating effects of school and 2014); the bravado of youth may not consider violence risky, country factors on the relationship between the examined especially if there are no legal or social ramifications for variables. Because students live in the same community and such behavior, but rather valorization and support for per- completed the survey in the classroom, their responses to forming violent masculinities. survey questions cannot be deemed to be completely inde- pendent. However, this limitation is perhaps less critical Strengths and Limitations given the realization that the variables examined (i.e., expo- sure to intimate partner violence and exposure to family vio- The study, conducted in South Africa and Nigeria, has lence) focused on events that occurred in students’ home and strengths as well as limitations. It advances knowledge about community settings as opposed to events that occurred only the possibility of exposure to IPV and family violence as risk in school settings. Moreover, because cross-culturally empir- factors for endorsement of VAW. By examining the cross- ically validated measures were not available to operational- cultural exposure of adolescents to VAW and determining the ize the variables examined, valid conclusions about the effects of such exposure on beliefs about VAW, the study examined relationships cannot be assumed to have been suggests that differential exposures of adolescents to differ- reached. ent patriarchal structures and human development levels may have differential effects on beliefs about gender-based violence across societies. Similarly, by identifying cross- Implications of Findings for Policy, Practice, and cultural differences between the two countries, the findings Research draw attention to regions where culturally specific preven- tive and protective interventions may be beneficial. The find- This study shows that, in both Nigeria and South Africa, ado- ings reflect how successful measures for protecting lescents who have witnessed VAW (whether among intimate adolescents in one society may be beneficial for addressing partners or in the family) are more likely to have pro-VAW the vulnerabilities of adolescents in another. These findings attitudes and beliefs. This highlights the need for measures to provide the opportunity for reflection on cross-cultural and protect children from witnessing IPV and family violence contextual conditions that may have been instrumental to before antisocial gender attitudes are entrenched in both con- identified differences between the two countries. texts. It seems that exposure to oppression of women by men 12 SAGE Open through violence establishes, through socialization, adoles- into the curriculum that challenge pro-VAWG beliefs and cent views that women are subordinate to men and deserving patriarchy. Moreover, because adolescents are often less of violence. Notwithstanding the possible differences in pro- knowledgeable about the health, mental health, and legal con- pensity for pro-VAW beliefs among adolescents in South sequences of VAWG (see De Vries et al., 2014), integrating Africa and Nigeria, successful measures to combat exposure knowledge about such consequences into relevant prevention to IPV and family violence in both contexts are imperative to and intervention programs will go a long way in minimizing create the sensitivity that is needed to protect vulnerable ado- violence-supportive beliefs and behaviors. Extramural activi- lescents from the effects of such exposure. In school and ties and programs that focus on educating adolescents about within the community, efforts must be undertaken to deal the consequences of VAWG will also help to reduce the pro- with the consequences of VAW and mediate pro-VAW behav- pensity of holding VAWG-supportive beliefs and attitudes to iors and beliefs among adolescents. minimize the perpetration of VAWG among adolescents. This study confirmed that boys who have witnessed fam- Within countries, punitive, deterrent and detective mea- ily violence are more likely to hold pro-VAW beliefs. sures to identify and report occurrence, and protective mea- Because boys have more proclivity to VAW than girls (De sures to protect victims and guarantee psychosocial support Vries et al., 2014; Huesmann & Guerra, 1997; Mason-Jones for recovery may have positive effects in reducing VAWG. It et al., 2016; Pöllänen et al., 2018; Stoddard et al., 2015), is also important to create an atmosphere that encourages enhanced efforts should be made to work with boys to pre- victims to report, update record-keeping mechanisms to cap- vent pro-VAW beliefs and behaviors. Such efforts may be ture reports of VAWG as standalone categories, and facilitat- beneficial to male adolescents, who are at the age of dating ing adequate resource and budgetary allocations to address and more vulnerable to perpetration of physical, emotional, this issue at structural and institutional levels. and sexual violence against intimate partners. However, this Working with parents is essential for detection, interven- should not preclude working with girls who are more likely tion, and prevention of violence in families. In particular, to become victims. It is therefore imperative to work with strengthening the bond and time that parents spend with chil- adolescents of both genders, who have been exposed to IPV dren in positive and productive ways may be an important and family violence to improve their gender attitudes and to intervention, since this could foster better attitudes among mitigate the likelihood of intergenerational transmission of young people. However, current exposure to parents and violence, as a consequence of patriarchal socialization. families is largely violent and reproduces negative gender The evidence which suggests that adolescents in Nigeria attitudes that reinforce negative gender stereotypes that per- were more likely to be exposed to IPV and family violence petuate the intergenerational cycle of violence. Norms that and more likely to endorse VAW than adolescents in South are accepting of violence and perceptions of men being supe- Africa, suggests that specific interventions strategies are rior are two critical determinants of the reproduction of IPV needed in the Nigerian context. In particular, work with older (Jewkes, Levin, & Penn-Kekana, 2002), that need to be Nigerian boys who are in a relationship and who have been addressed in prevention and intervention programs. exposed to family violence is needed, as they are most likely Adolescents observe VAW not only in the community; to reproduce violence in their own relationships after such they also observe VAWG in all movies and other social exposure. However, prevention should be the focus at an media. Censorship of VAWG-supportive content in movies is even earlier stage with Nigerian boys who have been exposed essential. Collaboration with movie makers to avoid objecti- to violence, prior to them entering intimate partner relation- fication of women and to remove questionable program con- ships, which Slap et al. (2003) noted is younger than 12 tent in all media, including all movies, films, and social years. Providing young boys with options and tools to engage media, would help to stem the propagation of oppressive in more respectful and equal relationships before they enter beliefs and stereotypes. relationships could prevent intergenerational transmission of When considering the psychosocial, health and cultural violence before they enter relationships and before negative impacts of exposure to violence (Heinze et al., 2017; Ho & beliefs and stereotypes, that reinforce patriarchy, have a Cheung, 2010; Stoddard et al., 2015; Weaver et al., 2008), it chance to take root. It is clear that Nigerian adolescents were becomes clear that cross-cultural knowledge to inform policy more likely to hold pro-VAW beliefs than adolescents in and practice is imperative. The identification of VAW atti- South Africa, and the particularities of the sociocultural con- tudes and beliefs cross-culturally provides the opportunity for texts, as well as the ways in which patriarchy manifests in collaboration among practitioners, interventionists, policy these varied contexts, require more qualitative exploration. makers, film makers, social media activists, and law makers An effective approach for improving gender attitudes in formulating educational and legislative measures to protect among adolescents is awareness-raising and education in the vulnerable adolescents from exposure and the effects of expo- school context at a deep level of attitudinal and behavior sure to violence and from perpetrating violence during ado- change, through psycho-educational sessions led by social lescence and adulthood (see Pöllänen et al., 2018). workers and mental health practitioners. To this effect, ele- This study, based on cross-country research, contributes to mentary and secondary schools should integrate programs the evidence that exposure to IPV and family violence is Fakunmoju and Rasool 13 associated with negative gender attitudes. While the direction References of the relationship is unclear, it is necessary to address both Abayomi, A. A. (2014). Sociological implications of domestic these issues in intervention and policy, as both stem from sys- violence on children’s development in Nigeria. Journal of temic patriarchal orders. Nevertheless, patriarchal beliefs African Studies and Development, 6(1), 8-13. doi:10.5897/ about the superiority of men, which is reinforced through cul- JASD2013.0237 Abdullahi, U., Cusairi, R. M., & Abdullah, S. F. (2017). The influence of ture and religion that prescribes how women ought to be culture in domestic violence against women in Nigeria. 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Retrieved from http://196.21.144.194/gender/ reform and the improvement of gender equality and human nodemocracy.pdf development indicators in all spheres of both countries. Adewoye, O. A., Odesanya, A. L., Abubakar, A. A., & Jimoh, O. To arrive at stronger conclusions beyond the current O. (2014). Rise of the “homo erotica”? Portrayal of women and findings, future studies may consider more effective meth- gender role stereotyping in movies: Analysis of two Nigerian movies. Developing Country Studies, 4, 103-110. odologies and analytical approaches to minimize sociode- Adika, V. O., Agada, J. J., Bodise-Ere, K., & Ojokojo, M. E. mographic differences among participating adolescents (2013). Men’s attitude and knowledge towards gender based across societies. Such studies should extend data collec- violence against women in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State. Journal of tion to peri-urban and rural areas to enhance generalizabil- Research in Nursing and Midwifery, 2, 77-83. doi:10.14303/ ity of findings. Future inquiries should be extended to JRNM.2013.055 consider the effects of exposure and beliefs on victimiza- Afolabi, O. T., & Deij, S. A. (2014). A comparative study on preva- tion and perpetration of gender-based violence, as well as lence of violence among adolescents in public and private the effects of victimization and perpetration on attitudes schools in Osun state Nigeria. Advance Tropical Medicine and toward VAWG among adolescents. The moderating effects Public Health International, 4, 32-40. of relevant factors (e.g., parental economic status, reli- Aguocha, C. M., Duru, C. B., Onoh, R. C., Olose, E. O., Igwe, M. gious background) on the associations should be consid- N., Amadi, K. U., & Ogwunga, J. N. (2017). Experience of inti- ered in future studies. Longitudinal studies of the long-term mate partner violence among female health workers in South East Nigeria. Mental Health, Religion & Culture, 20, 827-840. effects of exposure to IPV and family violence on gender- doi:10.1080/13674676.2017.1414169 based violence perpetration and beliefs among adolescents Ajuwon, A. J., Fawole, F. O., & Osungbade, K. O. (2011). will generate findings that may enhance international Experience and perpetration of violent behaviours among transfer of policy, practice, and measures. secondary school students in Ibadan, Nigeria. Sierra Leone Journal of Biomedical Research, 3(1), 27-35. Acknowledgments Animasaun, D. (2017, July). Put a full stop to domestic violence. The first author received no funding nor specific grant with respect Retrieved from https://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/07/put- to the Nigerian study reported in this article. The second author full-stop-domestic-violence/ received funding from South African National Research Foundation Audu, A. 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Missing data: Our view Sunday B. Fakunmoju, MSW, PhD, is a licensed independent of the state of the art. Psychological Methods, 7, 147-177. clinical social worker (LICSW), an associate professor in the doi:10.1037//1082-989X.7.2.147 Department of Social Work at Westfield State University, Slap, G. B., Lot, L., Huang, B., Daniyam, A., Zink, T. M., & Succop, Massachusetts, USA, and senior research associate in the faculty of P. A. (2003). Sexual behaviour of adolescents in Nigeria: Cross Fakunmoju and Rasool 17 Humanities at University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Social Policy. She is currently an associate professor and head of Africa. His research interests include parental and interpersonal the Social Work Department at the University of Johannesburg violence and abuse, sexual health, child welfare, and violence pre- (UJ). Her research has looked at the socio-cultural influences of vention and intervention across societies. He utilizes quantitative help-seeking as well as responses from formal and informal and qualitative research methods to examine the impacts of parental resources to abused women. Shahana is vice-president of the and interpersonal violence and abuse on attitudes, behaviors, and Association for Schools of Social work in Africa (ASSWA) and chair psychosocial outcomes and determine the efficacy of intervention of the Southern African Journal for Social Work and Social in preventing violence and treating its effects. Development. She is also chair of the International conference on Gender, which was held in 2018 in Thailand and will be held in Shahana Rasool is a Rhodes Scholar who obtained a masters and 2019 in Sri Lanka. doctorate from the University of Oxford (UK), Department of http://www.deepdyve.com/assets/images/DeepDyve-Logo-lg.png SAGE Open SAGE

Exposure to Violence and Beliefs About Violence Against Women Among Adolescents in Nigeria and South Africa:

SAGE Open , Volume 8 (4): 1 – Dec 10, 2018

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Abstract

Although adolescents’ exposure to violence and oppressive gender attitudes is prevalent, comparative knowledge across countries is sparse. This study examined exposure to intimate partner violence (IPV), family violence, and beliefs about violence against women (VAW) in a convenience sample of 2,462 adolescents from 44 schools in Nigeria and South Africa. Findings suggested that exposure to IPV, family violence, and beliefs about VAW differed by gender and country. Specifically, adolescents from Nigeria were more likely to be exposed to IPV and family violence and were more likely to endorse VAW than adolescents from South Africa. Male adolescents were more likely to endorse VAW than were female adolescents. Similarly, higher age, being male, being from Nigeria, being in a relationship, and greater exposure to family violence were associated with higher endorsement of VAW. Findings suggest that effective prevention programs are needed in both countries to mitigate exposure to IPV and family violence. Concerted efforts are also required to work with exposed adolescents to inhibit pro-VAW beliefs and stop the intergenerational transmission of violence. Additional implications of findings for policy, practice, and research are discussed. Keywords adolescent exposure to violence, gender-based violence, violence against women, intimate partner violence, family violence, gender attitudes, adolescent beliefs, South Africa, Nigeria 2017; Ho & Cheung, 2010; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell, & Introduction Dunkle, 2011; Mueller, Jouriles, McDonald, & Rosenfield, Adolescents in various regions of the world are directly (e.g., 2013; Stoddard, Heinze, Choe, & Zimmerman, 2015; through victimization) and indirectly (e.g., through witness- Weaver, Borkowski, & Whitman, 2008), the majority of ing) exposed to multiple forms of violence (e.g., physical, research has focused primarily on individual countries emotional, sexual) in multiple settings (e.g., schools, family, (Russell et al., 2014). Comparative knowledge about ado- community). However, the level of such exposure cannot be lescents’ exposure to violence across countries, especially fully captured due to underreporting and unfavorable social in Africa, is relatively sparse. In addition, knowledge about conditions mitigating against disclosing the violence they the attitudinal effects of adolescents’ exposures to violence experience (Afolabi & Deij, 2014; Ajuwon, Fawole, & across countries according to gender remains limited in the Osungbade, 2011; Rasool, 2011, 2015, 2017; Eze, 2013; body of empirical research. Therefore, the purpose of this Human Rights Watch, 2018; Olukemi & Folakemi, 2015). article is to examine adolescents’ exposure to IPV and Adolescents assimilate attitudes, beliefs, and values family violence and to determine the extent to which such that encourage violent behaviors against women and girls exposure is related to endorsement of negative beliefs through socialization at home and in the community, when about VAW in Nigeria and South Africa. Specifically, the exposed to intimate partner violence (IPV) and violence article is written to determine whether adolescents’ against women (VAW). Although studies have indicated that such exposure has multiple effects, including but not Westfield State University, MA, USA limited to poor psychosocial outcomes, intergenerational University of Johannesburg, Auckland Park, South Africa transmission of violence, perpetration of violence, and Corresponding Author: negative beliefs about VAW in dating and interpersonal Sunday B. Fakunmoju, Westfield State University, 577 Western Avenue, relationships (Abrahams & Jewkes, 2005; Barker et al., Westfield, MA 01806, USA. 2011; Heinze, Stoddard, Aiyer, Eisman, & Zimmerman, Email: SFakunmoju@westfield.ma.edu Creative Commons CC BY: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License (http://www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access pages (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/open-access-at-sage). 2 SAGE Open exposure to IPV and family violence differ by gender and Correlates and Effects of Exposure to Violence country and whether such exposure is associated with neg- and Beliefs About VAW ative beliefs about VAW across Nigeria and South Africa. As indicated in past studies, both direct exposure (e.g., vic- Adolescents refer to persons between 10 and 19 years of timization) and indirect exposure (e.g., witnessing violence) age (Miller et al., 2017; World Health Organization have effects on adolescents’ negative beliefs about VAW, as [WHO], n.d.). well as on their physical and mental well-being and behavior (e.g., depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder, aggression, delinquency, violent behaviors, low self-esteem; Rationale for the Examination Heinze et al., 2017; Ho & Cheung, 2010; Stoddard et al., Several factors underlie the rationale for examining ado- 2015; Weaver et al., 2008). These psychosocial outcomes lescents’ exposure to violence across countries. The find- entail significant social and health costs because of their ings may identify common experiences, perceptions, complex public health repercussions. attitudes, stereotypes, and beliefs associated with VAW Types of violence to which adolescents are exposed may across countries to enhance knowledge of common or have differential effects. Ho and Cheung (2010) indicated variable factors that influence perpetuation of these phe- that exposure to school violence and victimization by domes- nomena to contribute to prevention programs. The find- tic violence were related to emotional problems, whereas ings will contribute to identifying the nature and settings community violence was related to behavior problems (e.g., of IPV and risk factors for endorsement of VAW to reduce aggression, delinquency). Students with a “history of inter- adolescents’ risks of exposure. The findings can also be parental violence . . . had a higher likelihood of experiencing useful in identifying strategies for minimizing the effects violence” than students who were not exposed to interparen- of exposure. tal violence (Umana, Fawole, & Adeoye, 2014, p. 1). Comparative knowledge provides the basis for shar- Nevertheless, a common effect of exposure to violence is the ing effective preventive measures for violence against perpetration of violence. As indicated in several studies, women and girls (VAWG) across regions that could be exposure to violence and intergenerational transmission of translated to education and awareness-raising about violence are significant predictors of perpetration of violence adolescents’ exposure to IPV and family violence. A (Barker et al., 2011; Jewkes et al., 2011). cross-cultural examination can help to identify the coun- Beyond its effects on perpetration of violence, exposure tries in which adolescents are more susceptible to expo- to violence has effects on adolescents’ beliefs about VAW, sure to violence to increase public awareness and primarily because exposure often underlies acceptance and implement education interventions in that context. perpetration of violence during adolescence and adulthood Cross-country comparisons can isolate over-arching (Abrahams & Jewkes, 2005; Mueller et al., 2013). For exam- risk factors that may be linked to patriarchal systems ple, on one hand, it was recently noted that exposure to and across countries, as opposed to country-specific factors experience of sexual partner violence was associated with that may be related to the sociohistorical context of the tolerance of sexual partner violence by both boys and girls target countries (e.g., apartheid in South Africa and (Mason-Jones et al., 2016; Pöllänen et al., 2018). Adolescents colonialism, tribal war, and religious conflict in Nigeria). who were psychologically abused, on the other hand, were An examination of adolescents’ exposure to violence more likely to endorse domestic violence (Kunnuji, 2015). may generate practical insight that can “help interven- Finally, exposure to violence has poor psychosocial out- tion developers plan the content of interventions” and comes for adolescents and contributes to intergenerational “help interventionists and policy makers and lawmakers transmission of violence. develop appropriate educational and legislative cam- paigns” (Pöllänen, de Vries, Mathews, Schneider, & de Exposure to Violence and Beliefs About VAW: Vries, 2018, p. 4) that may have cross-cultural relevance Cultural Factors for preventing VAW. Critically, cross-cultural examinations may generate Across societies, cultural norms and practices remain potent knowledge that could have broad-based impacts on interna- mechanisms for transmitting views about what is acceptable tional transferability of policy and interventions for combat- behavior for women and men, as well as how men and women ing adolescents’ exposure to and beliefs about violence. In should be perceived and treated. The World Development general, understanding cross-cultural similarities and differ- Bank Report (World Bank, 2012) suggested that ences in exposure to violence and their effects on endorse- ment of VAW is important due to their implications for gender roles provide guides to normative behaviors for each sex identifying preventive and protective measures and policies within certain social contexts. Roles gain power as they are that could be shared across cultures to minimize exposure to learned through socialization, elaborated in cultural products, IPV and family violence. and enacted in daily life. The repeated experience of performing Fakunmoju and Rasool 3 gender roles affects widely shared beliefs about men’s and have exposed women to domestic violence” (Abdullahi, women’s attributes and one’s own sense of identity. Social norms Cusairi, & Abdullah, 2017, p. 273) and contributed to women refer to patterns of behavior that flow from socially shared beliefs being blamed for violence against them in Nigeria. In South and are enforced by informal social sanctions. (p. 8) Africa, female genital mutilation is banned and criminalized (Makundi, 2009). By being socialized into values, beliefs, attitudes, and roles that predispose them to victimization of violence and dimin- Exposure to Violence and Beliefs About VAW: ishes their capacity for resistance, women remain the captive Demographic Factors audience to violent masculinities that are legitimized by gen- der norms and power inequality (Baloyi, 2010; Buiten & Although exposure to cultural norms and practices are Naidoo, 2013, 2016; Jewkes, Sikweyiya, Morrell, & Dunkle, important influencers of VAW behaviors and beliefs held by 2010). adolescents, numerous studies have consistently indicated Some types of social norms, beliefs, and practices are that there are gender differences in exposure to violence and present in both Nigeria and South Africa. In both countries, pro-VAW beliefs. Boys seem more likely to hold sexual vio- women are expected to submit sexually to their husbands and lence–supportive attitudes and beliefs than girls (Mason- may be blamed for violent reactions by their men (Fakunmoju, Jones et al., 2016; Pöllänen et al., 2018) and men also seem Abrefa-gyan, & Maphosa, 2018; Hargreaves, Vetten, more likely to encourage or endorse violence-supportive atti- Schneider, Malepe, & Fuller, 2006; Oyediran & Isiugo- tudes and practices against women (Adika, Agada, Bodise- Abanihe, 2005). In both countries, women are often treated Ere, & Ojokojo, 2013; Fakunmoju, Bammeke, Oyekanmi, as the personal properties of their husbands following pay- Temilola, & George, 2016a, 2016b). For example, from ment of a bride price (labola in South Africa and dowry in examining gender differences in beliefs about forced sex, De Nigeria). Financial dependency of women, due to occupa- Vries et al. (2014) found that boys “held a more positive tional segregation and discrimination, means that women are view about forced sex than girls . . . . The perception that often dependent on men for their and their children’s eco- peers and friends considered forced sex to be an effective nomic survival, which increases their exposure to violence way to punish a female partner was also more common (Rasool, 2011, 2016). In Nigeria and South Africa, men often among boys” (p. 1087). In addition, De Vries et al. (2014) use and endorse violence to maintain power and control over suggested that some adolescent girls have bought into the women (Abrahams, Jewkes, & Laubsher, 1999; Fakunmoju belief that sexual coercion is an “expression of love” and et al., 2018; Oluremi, 2015) and some invoke a misconceived believe that “silence and submission” is the appropriate perception of masculinity to justify VAW. response” to sexual coercion (p. 1088). In some cases, sub- Some types of VAW are contextually specific to a given mission may be the only option for women and girls who are country and may not be as prevalent in another country. For vulnerable, especially in contexts where formal state example, “jack rolling” (i.e., gang rape of women as payback responses to VAW are poor and unsupportive and often con- for perceived misdeeds or disreputable pleasures), “virgin tribute to the revictimization of survivors. These gender dif- cleansing” (i.e., the belief that a man will be cured of his ferences in beliefs may be in part attributed to differences in HIV/AIDS by having sex with a virgin girl), and “corrective the socialization experiences of boys and girls. For example, rape” (i.e., a practice in which lesbians are raped in the guise boys are socialized to be tough and to engage in aggressive of curing them of lesbianism) persist in South Africa (Koraan and high-risk behaviors, while females are socialized to be & Geduld, 2015; Leclerc-Madlala, 2002; Mokwena, 1991). sensitive to the needs and feelings of others (Crespi, 2003; In some communities in South Africa, women are prohibited Ho & Cheung, 2010). from leaving the marital home even in cases of IPV and they Exposure seems to also affect boys and girls differently. are expected to be “obedient” to their male partners or hus- Even though boys are exposed to violence more often than bands (Hargreaves et al., 2006). A similar situation is evident girls, research indicates that exposure to violence has more in some Nigerian communities, where women are expected traumatic effects on girls than on boys (Pinchevsky, Wright, to be submissive to their husbands and it is considered a & Fagan, 2013; Zona & Milan, 2011) and results in more taboo for women to divorce their husbands, although the aggressive behaviors by boys than by girls (Huesmann & husbands could divorce their wives at will (Enwereji, 2008). Guerra, 1997; Stoddard et al., 2015). Hence, exposure to In Nigeria, female genital mutilation is still widely prac- violence enhances more favorable views of aggressive ticed, disinheritance of women and girls is prominent (in behaviors among boys, than girls (Huesmann & Guerra, many communities, property can pass only between persons 1997), and girls who are exposed are more likely to become of the same gender, so women may not inherit from fathers; victims. Boys may be influenced by their experiences to jus- in Muslim communities, women inherit far less than men), tify their perpetration of VAW as normal and expected and preference for male children persists (Igbelina-Igbokwe, behavior from their gender; while girls may be influenced to 2013). Furthermore, “norms about marriage system, the pre- normalize their victimization experiences based on their dominant position of male children, and forced marriage, exposure. 4 SAGE Open In addition, exposure to violence has differential effects in the east and the Arewa Youth Consultative Forum (AYCF) on children across age. In a recent report by Child Trends in the north; (d) ethnic, religious, communal, and intercom- (2016), it was indicated that “all types of exposure to vio- munal violence; and (e) violent crime and insecurity in many lence were more common among older children and adoles- parts of the country. More men are beating their women to cents” and “the type of violence children are exposed to death (Musawa, 2016; Ugbodaga, 2015) and more women increases in severity with age” (p. 5). Similarly, from a meta- are using weapons (e.g., knife) to inflict injury on their men analysis of IPV across 30 low- and middle-income countries, during domestic violence (Audu, 2015). Regrettably, a taboo interaction of age and country indicated that young adult against discussion and the stigma of reporting domestic vio- women demonstrated higher risks than adult women and that lence limit the scope of knowledge about partner violence, adolescents demonstrated a comparable risk for partner vio- which is generally believed to cut across socioeconomic and lence (Decker et al., 2015). It is therefore not surprising that religious backgrounds (Sogade, 2016; Uzuegbunam, 2013). “young age of partners, low socioeconomic status . . . are As recently noted by Animasaun (2017), domestic vio- associated with family violence across nations and cultures” lence in Nigeria is increasing at an alarming rate, where (Marrie-Marthe & Gilles, 2004, p. 945, emphasis added). “according to the National Demographic and Health Survey The role of relationship status is relevant to understanding in 2008, over a quarter of the population of Nigerian women relationship violence among adolescents, as well as beliefs experienced domestic violence” (para. 6). In a recent survey that they hold about VAW. In South Africa, adolescents on domestic violence in Nigeria, 54% of respondents reported accept and engage in VAW (Jewkes & Morrell, 2010; either being victims or knowing someone who was a victim Sathiparsad, 2008), particularly in the context of relation- of domestic violence (NOI Polls, 2016). The majority (75%) ship. In a recent qualitative study by Mosavel, Ahmed, and identified women as victims of domestic violence. A similar Simon (2012), girls reported sexually coercive behaviors by past national victimization survey by Centre for Law boys, whereas boys justified sexual coercion of girls by Enforcement Education [CLEEN] Foundation (2013) found claiming that girls often exploit boys for their money and to an increase in domestic violence from 21% in 2011 to 30% in procure expensive material possessions (Mosavel et al., 2013, with 31% of respondents reporting having been vic- 2012). Because many incidents of IPV occur in the context tims of domestic violence. of relationships, relationship status may thus be a risk factor A recent study of female health workers in Southeast in victimization and perpetration of IPV and for endorsement Nigeria suggest that 56.6% of them reported a lifetime expe- of beliefs about VAW. However, types of VAW such as rience of abuse with verbal (100%) and sexual abuse (71.7%) sexual harassment which occur outside of relationships are being the most frequently cited types of abuse experienced less likely to be reported or considered violence. (Aguocha et al., 2017). Among university students in Ibadan, the lifetime prevalence of IPV was 42.3% with psychologi- cal violence (41.8%) being the most frequently cited lifetime Violence in Nigeria and South Africa experience of violence (Umana et al., 2014). Although sus- While violent masculinities remains a problematic reality in ceptibility to various forms of crime and violence in Nigeria understanding VAW, “context and history” of Nigeria and cuts across gender, recent reports suggest that most acts of South Africa, as well as “variations and subtleties in mani- physical and sexual violence against women are perpetrated festations of patriarchy,” must be understood, since VAW by husbands (Ine, 2012; NOI Polls, 2016; Orpin, may be seen as the product of “socially constructed gender Papadopoulos, & Puthussery, 2017). Victimization of GBV norms and power” (Buiten & Naidoo, 2016, p. 537) in both or all types of violence was more prevalent among females countries. Many scholars (Gordon, 1996; Hunnicutt, 2009; than males, whereas perpetration was more prevalent among Rasool, 2011; Walby, 1990) attribute VAW to patriarchy, males than females (NOI Polls, 2016; Ogunjuyigbe, Akinlo, which is considered to be a system of social, legal, political, & Ebigbola, 2005). Victimization of violence is not limited religious, and economic arrangements designed to enhance to adults; children are also victims of violence. From a study male power and dominance on one hand and reinforce female conducted in Northern Nigeria, “22.8%, 22.2% and 50.8% of subordination on the other hand. adolescents experienced physical, sexual or emotional vio- In Nigeria, violence pervades every sphere of social life lence respectively” by colleagues, strangers, husbands, and (Irene, 2016; Osawe, 2015) and manifests in various dimen- boyfriends (Iliyasu, Abubakar, Aliyu, Galadanci, & Salihu, sions, including (a) religious terrorism through Boko Haram 2011, p. 111). in the north, culminating in human displacements, kidnap- In South Africa, many children are raised in families ping of adolescents, and loss of property and lives; (b) eco- where women are at risk of partner violence (Abrahams & nomic violence and sabotage through bombing of oil Jewkes, 2005), and even post-apartheid VAW continues to installations by Niger Delta Avengers in the delta region; (c) manifest in various dimensions. VAW is reported to be wide- sociopolitical unrest and secessionist movements such as the spread, pervasive, underreported, and inextricably linked Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of with other social problems (Mosavel et al., 2012). For exam- Biafra (MASSOB) and Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) ple, 20% of women older than 18 reported a history of Fakunmoju and Rasool 5 physical violence (as high as 40% for divorced or separated in January 2014, Nigeria prohibits and penalizes homosexu- women) and 6% reported a history of sexual violence (as ality, whereas homosexual relationships are legal in South high as 16% for divorced or separated women) (National Africa. Department of Health [NDoH], Statistics South Africa While South Africa is racially and ethnically diverse, [StatsSA], Southern African Medical Research Council Nigeria is racially homogeneous, although it has ethnic/ [SAMRC], & Inner City Fund [ICF], 2017; StatsSA, 2018). tribal and religious diversity. Both countries lag in gender Younger women and divorced or separated women were egalitarianism and should have more robust national strat- more likely to be victims of physical and sexual violence by egies to combat VAW (Human Rights Watch, 2018). Both an intimate partner “and three women die at the hands of Nigeria and South Africa have a history of political their partner every day” (Human Rights Watch, 2018; NDoH oppression: while South Africa has a history of apartheid, et al., 2017, para. 17). Violence is reported among adoles- Nigeria has a history of colonialism, military rule, and cents, too. In a study by Russell et al. (2014), “over 10% of civil war. Although both countries have a history of politi- boys reported forcing a partner to have sex, and 39% of girls cal corruption, the historical and structural basis of politi- reported physical IPV (intimate partner violence) victimiza- cal oppression and corruption by the state in Nigeria is tion” (p. 283, emphasis added). Similarly, in a cross-sectional more pervasive (Yagboyaju, 2017). Limiting women’s school-based study in South Africa, 1 in 4 adolescents had access to political positions, bribery, nepotism, siphoning experienced gender-based violence before the age of 18 of public resources to private purses, weakening of public (Rasool, 2017). Hence, rates of VAW are high in both institutions and regulatory agencies, and impunity of poli- contexts. ticians and military rulers are more prominent in Nigeria (Yagboyaju, 2017). While some of these issues are bur- geoning in South Africa, the new democracy is compara- Sociocultural Similarities and Differences tively better functioning. Between Nigeria and South Africa In general, as “there are differential effects of risks associ- The cultural practices of many South Africa and Nigerian ated with different forms and settings of exposure to vio- communities favor collectivism rather than individualism lence” (Ho & Cheung, 2010, p. 1310, emphasis added), (Metz, 2014). Many Nigerian and South African communi- differences in variety of patriarchal structures, egalitarian ties are influenced by patriarchal cultures (Coetzee, 2001; ideals, human development levels, and human rights abuses Makama, 2013). Although the effects of patriarchal struc- across societies may have implications for differences in tures on VAW beliefs and practices are visible in both coun- exposure to IPV and family violence as well as beliefs about tries, Nigeria and South Africa differ on some key components VAW and responses thereto. which could contribute to explanations related to the variet- ies of patriarchy, including human development level, gen- The Present Study der egalitarianism, and human rights abuses. For example, Nigeria has poorer human rights records on VAW and Based on the above review, the following hypotheses were remains a high-risk country with regard to violation of human developed: rights, ranking 10th of 197 countries, whereas South Africa remains a medium-risk country (Maplecroft, 2014). With Hypothesis 1: Adolescents in Nigeria will be more likely regard to the human freedom index, South Africa (personal to report higher exposure to family violence and IPV and 70/159, economic 105/159) ranked higher than Nigeria (per- to endorse beliefs about VAW than adolescents in South sonal 145/159, 113/159) in personal and economic freedom Africa. (Vásquez & Porčnik, 2016). Hypothesis 2: Male adolescents will be more likely to Nigeria scores poorly with regard to gender parity in the endorse beliefs about VAW than female adolescents. Gender Development Index (GDI). Nigeria is in the Group 5 Hypothesis 3: Age, gender, country, relationship status, category, which includes countries with the lowest scores and exposure to family violence will be related to beliefs among all countries measured with regard to equality about VAW. between men and women using the Human Development Index (HDI; Jahan et al., 2016). South Africa, however, is in Method the Group 2 category, which includes countries with medium to high levels of equality between men and women in HDI Design measurements (Jahan et al., 2016). Nigeria passed the A cross-sectional survey was conducted in Nigeria and Violence against Persons (Prohibition) Act in 2015 South Africa. In Nigeria, research assistants collected data (Onyemelukwe, 2016), similar to the Domestic Violence Act from 13 public high schools in six school districts in Lagos No. 116 of 1998 (Domestic Violence Act, No. 116, 1998) that State. In South Africa, fourth-year social work university South Africa had passed 15 years earlier. Following promul- students administered the survey to entry-level high school gation of the Same Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act (SSMPA) 6 SAGE Open adolescents from 30 high schools in Johannesburg. The Measures Institutional Review Board of Westfield State University, The adolescents responded to a series of questions that Massachusetts, United States of America approved the focused on witnessing IPV and family violence in their study for Nigeria and the ethics committee of University of communities. They were also asked a set of questions Johannesburg, South Africa provided ethical clearance for regarding their beliefs about VAW. The questions were the South African study. A total of 3,188 adolescents adapted from previous studies that examined witnessing, (Nigeria = 986, 31%; South Africa = 2,202, 69%) attitudes, and experiences of gender-based violence responded to the survey. Adolescents younger than 12 years (Rasool, 2017; United States Agency for International and older than 18 years were removed from the analysis to Development [USAID], 2006). focus on adolescents between the ages of 12 and 18, and The section exposure to intimate partner violence (IPV) because the outliers were few. Listwise deletion was applied consisted of six questions that captured the extent to which to response sets in which none of the questions about the adolescents had witnessed physical, emotional, or sexual vio- independent and dependent variables was answered, leav- lence and aggression against women by intimate partners in ing a total of 2,462 cases for analysis. Ipsative mean impu- the community. To operationalize exposure to IPV, the ado- tation (Schafer & Graham, 2002) was used to address lescents were asked to indicate the extent to which they had missing data. witnessed abusive or violent behaviors: (a) physical violence against women by men (women being hit, slapped, beaten, or Sample kicked by their husbands or boyfriends), (b) physical aggres- The sample used in the analysis was comprised of 2, 462 sion against women by men (men physically aggressive adolescents (Table 1), with 34.8% (n = 857) from Nigeria toward female intimate partners), (c) emotional abuse against and 65.2% (n = 1,605) from South Africa, as fewer schools women by men (women being emotionally abused, such as were surveyed in Nigeria. The gender composition was being talked to or treated in abusive ways, by their male inti- 56.6% females (n = 1,394) and 43.4% males (n = 1,068). In mate partners), (d) emotional aggression against women by Nigeria, the majority were Yoruba adolescents (n = 594, men (men emotionally aggressive toward their female inti- 71.1%), followed by adolescents who identified their ethnic mate partners), or (e) sexual violence against women by men background as Igbo (n = 128, 15.3%). The majority were (women being forced by their male intimate partners to have living with parents (i.e., father and mother; n = 738, 87.6%), sex against their will). Response choices were never (1), whom most adolescents reported to be married and living sometimes (2), half of the time (3), often (4), and always (5). together (n = 684, 81.1%). Almost half (n = 411, 48.9%) Lower scores indicated lower observation/exposure to VAW resided in a house that belonged to their parents. The major- and higher scores indicated higher observation/exposure to ity (n = 525, 68.0%) reported high school as the highest VAW. Responses were summed for analysis. Cronbach’s level of education of their parents. Three fourths (n = 562, alpha was approximately 80. 75.0%) were not currently in a relationship (Table not The section exposure to family violence consisted of six shown). questions that captured the extent to which adolescents wit- In South Africa, the majority (n = 627, 39.2%) identified nessed physical, emotional, and sexual violence among fam- Zulu as the language spoken mostly since childhood, followed ily members in their community. To operationalize exposure by English (n = 223, 13.9%). Other languages spoken by to family violence, the adolescents were asked to indicate the respondents included Southern Sotho/Sesotho/Sepedi (n = extent to which they had witnessed the abusive or violent 158, 9.9%), Tswana/SeTswana (n = 149, 9.3%), and Xhosa (n behaviors in their neighborhood: (a) physical violence by = 126, 7.9%). Most adolescents (n = 1,089, 70.6%) lived in a partners in the family (partners hit, slapped, beaten, or kicked house. Most (n = 577, 38.8%) reported that their parents/ by opposite-gender family members), (b) physical aggres- guardians were married or a legal couple, but almost as many sion in the family (family members physically aggressive (n = 514, 34.6%) reported that their parent or guardian was toward other members), (c) emotional aggression in the fam- single and had never legally married. The majority (n = 651, ily (family members emotionally aggressive toward other 45.1%) reported the educational background of their parents members), and (d) sexual violence in the family (family or guardians as Grade 12, although a third (n = 438, 30.4%) members forced by their partners to have sex against their also reported postschool qualification as the educational back- will). Response choices were never (1), sometimes (2), half ground of their parents or guardians. The majority (n = 893, of the time (3), often (4), and always (5). Lower scores indi- 62.3%) were not currently in a relationship (Table not shown). cated lower observation/exposure to relationship violence Overall, the average age of the adolescents was 14.43 years and higher scores indicated higher observation/exposure to (SD = 1.34 years, range 12 to 18). However, adolescents in relationship violence. Responses were summed for analysis. Nigeria (M = 15.57, SD = 1.30) were more likely to be older Cronbach’s alpha was .72. than adolescents in South Africa (M = 13.81, SD = 0.88), The section beliefs about violence against women con- t(1286) = 35.57, p < .0005). sisted of five questions that captured the extent to which Fakunmoju and Rasool 7 Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Respondents. South Africa (SA) Nigeria (NG) Total n = 1,605 n = 857 N = 2,462 Sample characteristics n % n % N % Age (years) M = 14.43, SD = 1.34, range 12–18 Gender Female 953 59.4 441 51.5 1,394 56.6 Male 652 40.6 416 48.5 1,068 43.4 Primary language/ethnic background English 223 13.9 Zulu 627 39.2 Xhosa 126 7.9 Tswana/SeTswana 149 9.3 Southern Sotho/Sesotho/Sepedi 158 9.9 Others 316 19.8 Yoruba 594 71 Igbo 128 15.3 Hausa 29 3.5 Other (please specify) 86 10.3 Person currently living with Parents (father/mother) 738 87.6 Uncle/aunt/senior brother/senior sister 45 5.3 Grandparents 39 4.6 Other relatives/guardians 20 2.4 Marital status of parents Single/never legally married 514 34.6 Widowed/divorced 155 10.4 20 2.4 Living with a partner/Married but not living together 240 16.2 86 10.2 Married/legal couple 577 38.8 684 81.1 Deceased (mother/father)/Others 53 6.2 Educational background of parents Primary school 139 9.6 Up to Grade 10 214 14.8 Grade 12 651 45.1 525 68 Postschool qualification/Ordinary National Diploma 438 30.4 54 7 Bachelor/Higher National Diploma 59 7.6 Master/Doctor of Philosophy/Others 134 17.3 Note. Figure may not add to total due to missing data. Afrikaans (49), Vanda (35), Tsonga (43), Xitsonga (80), SiSwati (10), Northern Sotho (70), and Ndebele (29). adolescents endorse beliefs about violence directed against something wrong, her husband/boyfriend has the right to pun- women by men, attribute blame to women for the violence ish her), (d) beliefs that absolve men from taking responsibil- directed against them by men, or believe that women should ity for their violence by blaming women for being raped endure the violence that is directed against them by men. To (when a woman is raped, she is usually to blame for putting operationalize beliefs about VAW, the adolescents were asked herself in that situation), and (e) beliefs that a women has con- to indicate the extent to which agreed or disagreed with the sented to sex if she does not fight back physically, and there- belief statements: (a) the belief that physical violence against fore was not raped (if a woman does not physically fight back, women is justified in certain circumstances (there are times it is not rape). Response choices were strongly disagree (1), when a woman deserves to be beaten), (b) the belief that disagree (2), neither agree nor disagree (3), agree (4), and women must tolerate violence for family preservation strongly agree (5). Lower scores indicated lower endorse- (a woman should tolerate violence in order to keep her family ment of beliefs about VAW and higher scores indicated higher together), (c) the belief that men have a right to punish endorsement of beliefs about VAW. Responses were summed their partners for perceived misconduct (if a woman does for analysis. Cronbach’s alpha was .58. 8 SAGE Open Table 2. Means and Standard Deviations of Exposure to Intimate Partner Violence, Exposure to Family Violence, and Beliefs About Violence Against Women, by Gender and Country. Country Gender South Africa Nigeria Male Female Total Variable M(SD) M(SD) M(SD) M(SD) M(SD) Exposure to intimate partner violence 2.17 .99 2.34 .95 2.23 .98 2.23 .99 2.23 .98 Exposure to family violence 1.98 .91 2.17 .93 2.09 .95 2.01 .89 2.04 .92 Belief about violence against women 2.21 .92 2.60 .69 2.49 .79 2.24 .78 2.35 .79 violence, and beliefs about VAW were significantly higher Data Analysis than the average scores of adolescents in South Africa (Table Two-way multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) and 2). Specifically, adolescents in Nigeria were more likely to multiple regression analyses were conducted to test the report higher exposure to IPV, higher exposure to family vio- hypotheses. To determine whether exposure to IPV, exposure lence, and higher endorsement of beliefs about VAW than to family violence, and beliefs about VAW differed by gen- adolescents in South Africa. der and country (Hypotheses 1 and 2), a two-way MANOVA was conducted. To measure the relationships among demo- Effects of Gender on Beliefs About VAW graphic covariates, country, relationship status, exposure to IPV, exposure to family violence, and beliefs about VAW Consistent with Hypothesis 2, the average scores of male (Hypothesis 3), a multiple regression analysis (simultaneous adolescents on beliefs about VAW were significantly higher entry) was conducted. Descriptive statistics were used to than the average scores of female adolescents (Table 2). examine the demographic characteristics of respondents and Specifically, male adolescents were more likely to report an independent-samples t test was used to determine whether stronger endorsement of beliefs about VAW than were female respondent age differed by country. SPSS 20™ (IBM adolescents. Corporation, 2011) was utilized to analyze the data. Relationships Among Exposure to IPV, Exposure Results to Family Violence, and Beliefs About VAW An examination of bivariate correlations indicated that the The overall model describing the relationships among three dependent variables were significantly correlated. demographic covariates, country, relationship status, expo- Specifically, exposure to IPV correlated with beliefs about sure to IPV, exposure to family violence, and beliefs about VAW, r = .18 (p = .01), exposure to family violence cor- VAW was significant, F(6, 1939) = 46.66, p < .0005. As related with beliefs about VAW, r = .22 (p = .01), and indicated in Table 3, age (β = .12, p < .0005), gender exposure to IPV correlated with exposure to family vio- (β = -.12, p < .0005), country (β = .14, p < .0005), rela- lence, r = .75 (p = .01). Using Pillai’s Trace, there was a tionship status (β = .05, p = .034), and exposure to family statistically significant multivariate main effect of exposure violence (β = .206, p < .0005) were associated with beliefs to IPV, exposure to family violence, and beliefs about VAW about VAW. Specifically, higher age, being male, being by country, V = .054, F(3, 2153) = 40.80, p < .0005, par- from Nigeria, being in a relationship, and having experi- tial eta squared = .054, and by gender, V = .022, F(3, 2153) enced more exposure to family violence were associated = 16.11, p < .0005, partial eta squared = .022. The inter- with higher endorsement of beliefs about VAW (Hypothesis action effects of gender and country were nonsignificant. 3). The model accounted for approximately 13% (adjusted Results of tests of between-subjects effects further sug- R = .12) of the variance in beliefs about VAW. gested that country had an effect on exposure to IPV (F[1] = 14.15; p < .0005), exposure to family violence (F[1] = 20.60; p < .0005), and beliefs about VAW (F[1] = 116.73; Discussions p < .0005) and that gender had an effect on beliefs about VAW (F[1] = 41.86; p < .0005). This study examined adolescents’ indirect exposure to IPV and family violence and measured the extent to which such exposure was related to beliefs about VAW in Nigeria and Effects of Country on Exposure to IPV, Exposure South Africa. When comparing the two countries across to Family Violence, and Beliefs About VAW exposure to IPV and family violence and beliefs about VAW, Consistent with Hypothesis 1, the average scores of adoles- it was found that adolescents from Nigeria were more likely cents in Nigeria on exposure to IPV, exposure to family to be exposed to IPV and family violence and were more Fakunmoju and Rasool 9 Table 3. Multiple Regression Analysis of Predictors of Beliefs About Violence Against Women. 95.0% Confidence interval Variable β t p LB UB Age .12 4.12 < .0005 .04 .10 Gender −.12 −5.51 < .0005 −.26 −.12 Country .14 4.88 < .0005 .14 .32 Relationship status .05 2.12 .034 .01 .15 Exposure to intimate partner violence .03 0.78 .436 −.03 .07 Exposure to family violence .17 5.36 < .0005 .09 .21 Note. Categorized variables as follows: Gender = Male (0), Female (1); Country = Nigeria (1), South Africa (0); Relationship status = Has boyfriend/ girlfriend (1), Does not have boyfriend/girlfriend (0). LB = Lower bound; UB = Upper bound. likely to endorse beliefs about VAW than were adolescents minimizing resistance to oppressive norms. Hence, religion from South Africa. Male adolescents were also found to be seems to be much more of a factor in Nigeria than in South more likely to endorse VAW than were female adolescents. Africa, although the role of religion in perpetuating poor Similar examination of the association between exposure to gender attitudes that reinforce VAW should not be underesti- IPV and family violence and beliefs about VAW, controlling mated in any context, since adolescents learn about the role for demographic characteristics, showed that higher age, of women in intimate relationships based on their religious being male, being from Nigeria, being in a relationship, and learning, which propagates the submissiveness of women higher exposure to family violence were related to higher and a dominance of men. beliefs about VAW. The demographic data indicated that the majority (more than 81%) of the Nigerian adolescents reported that their par- ents were married, compared to 38.8% in South Africa. In Effects of Gender and Country on Exposure to South Africa, 10.4% of the parents were divorced or wid- IPV, Exposure to Family Violence, and Beliefs owed, compared to 2.4% in Nigeria. It could be that more About VAW Nigerian adolescents are living with their parents, a possible The findings that adolescents from Nigeria were more likely explanation of high levels of exposure to IPV and family vio- to be exposed to both IPV and family violence than adoles- lence, which were subsequently related to endorsement of cents from South Africa provide a unique opportunity to VAW. This is very different in South Africa, where “45,6% of understand cross-national differences in experience among black African children lived with only their biological adolescents in the two countries, especially given the lack of mother, while 21,0% lived with neither parent” (StatsSA, comparative knowledge about these differences. Although 2015, p. 5). Exposure to IPV is less likely to be evident if the comparative knowledge about adolescents is minimal, the partners are not living together, as in the South African finding that adolescents from Nigeria were more likely to context. endorse beliefs about VAW than adolescents from South In Nigeria, Nollywood may also have had an influence on Africa is consistent with previous studies that found adult perpetuation of gender stereotypes that contribute to pro- respondents in Nigeria to be more likely to endorse VAW and VAW attitudes. Research in Nigeria has indicated that “access gender stereotypes than respondents in South Africa to radio/TV increased the odds of justifying abuse among (Fakunmoju & Bammeke, 2017; Fakunmoju et al., 2016). women” (Okenwa-Emegwa, Lawoko, & Jansson, 2016, Altogether, these findings can be explained by some p. 1). Furthermore, the content of movies, films, and televi- macro-level differences between the two countries as dis- sion dramas, in particular those from Nollywood, seems to cussed below. Religion plays a stronger role in Nigeria endorse VAW (Adewoye, Odesanya, Abubakar, & Jimoh, (Igbelina-Igbokwe, 2013), which prides itself on religious 2014; Ojukwu & Ezenandu, 2012; Okenwa-Emegwa et al., observance and where it is argued that women’s subordina- 2016; Omoera, Edemode, & Aihevba, 2017), as they often tion is divinely ordained. Extensive research in various con- convey the subliminal message that failure to comply with texts, including South Africa, have indicated that many men’s instructions and any act of insubordination by women religious practices reinforce traditional gender roles and in can result in violent consequences (Okenwa-Emegwa et al., some cases even chastisement of women for transgressing 2016). In South Africa, Nollywood movies are not com- these norms (Fakunmoju et al., 2016; Frahm-Arp, 2015; monly available, and adolescents watch mostly Hollywood Johnson, 2015). As argued by Igbelina-Igbokwe (2013) with movies or South African television programs. While these respect to Nigeria, religion remains a weapon of subjugation shows also valorize violence and promote gender stereo- of women, of gaining compliance with expected behaviors types, the extent to which they promote VAW as an accept- from women, of maintaining male privileges, and of able behavior is perhaps more subtle. 10 SAGE Open High levels of violence pervade many aspects of social, exposure, experience, victimization, and perpetration political, economic, religious, and community life in Nigeria remained high. The researchers were similarly concerned as a result of extensive religious, tribal, and ethnic unrest about a social desirability bias. Nevertheless, Nigeria’s (Audu, 2015; Musawa, 2016; Osawe, 2015; Ugbodaga, poorer commitment and actions with respect to addressing 2015). While South Africa also has high violence levels and gender equality at a macro level (Igbelina-Igbokwe, 2013) high crime rates (Institute for Security Studies [ISS], 2017), may be contributing to perpetuation of a culture that allows South Africa has moved to a democratic dispensation and has pro-VAW attitudes to flourish. a constitution that promotes human rights and gender equal- ity (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996). It Effects of Demographics on Beliefs About VAW would nevertheless be interesting to determine what types of violence are more prevalent in Nigeria than in South Africa Age. It is not surprising that older adolescents were more that make Nigerian adolescents more likely to have pro- likely to hold poorer gender beliefs, since they are also more VAW beliefs. likely to have been exposed to violence over a longer period Developmentally speaking, Nigeria overall has a poorer and have had more time to entrench poor attitudes and views record with regards to human rights violations than South that are socially acceptable in their communities. If VAW is Africa (Maplecroft, 2014). Nigeria is in the High Inequality normalized and accepted as a part of marriage and life, as has and High HDI loss category; South Africa is in the Medium been articulated in various studies (Abdullahi et al., 2017; HDI category and has improved in all HDI measures in recent Rasool, 2012, 2015; Hargreaves et al., 2006; Jewkes et al., years (Jahan et al., 2016). In addition, Nigeria has much 2011), then older boys are more likely to replicate these higher levels of gender inequality than South Africa, based on socialized beliefs and behaviors. Further, older boys are also the GDI indicators (Jahan et al., 2016). Igbelina-Igbokwe more likely than younger boys to be in relationships and to (2013) confirms that gender inequality is rampant even in the be sexually active (Slap et al., 2003), which means that they political sphere in Nigeria since, “formal and informal” will have more opportunities to re-enact violence in their oppressive patriarchal structures operate to exclude women own relationships and perform traditionally oppressive roles from “participation in governance” and “corridors of powers” and behaviors against women that they have learned from that sustain male privileges in patriarchal structures (p. 4). their role models or from exposure to media/films. Further South Africa has high quotas for the inclusion of women into watching the power of violence and the fear that it engenders parliament and there is legislation to address the racial and in their families may be appealing to adolescents who are in gender imbalance in all spheres of society. Hence, South an insecure stage of finding themselves and who are in need Africa has taken active steps to address the” non-racial,” of validation (Beksinska et al., 2014), hence they may then “non-sexist” clauses that are embedded in the constitution. replicate these behaviours. Boys in Nigeria were older than Moreover, South Africa enacted legislation to deal with those in South Africa, which could also contribute to explain domestic violence 15 years earlier than Nigeria. This legisla- the higher levels of pro-VAW attitudes in Nigeria. tion is important because it brings VAW into the public domain and allows victims to report violence and have access Gender. The finding that male adolescents were more likely to protection mechanisms (Rasool, 2011), which is not pos- to endorse VAW than female adolescents is consistent with sible in the absence of a law. In post-apartheid South Africa, previous studies (Adika et al., 2013; Fakunmoju et al., 2016a, women’s groups have been active in lobbying for gender 2016b; Mason-Jones et al., 2016; Pöllänen et al., 2018) and equality in legislation and have been working with various feminist theories that suggest that men are likely to uphold criminal justice institutions for effective implementation of their patriarchal privilege, and support ideas and beliefs that these legislative frameworks. In South Africa, there have reinforce this privilege (Igbelina-Igbokwe, 2013; Rani, been responses within a range of sectors to address VAW Bonu, & Diop-Sidibe, 2004). Men and boys are unlikely to through increased awareness campaigns, both in the media take responsibility for their poor behavior if social norms and in schools (Beksinska, Pillay, Milford, & Smit, 2014). reinforce violent masculinities and provide men with excuses These campaigns and interventions may have to some extent for perpetration of VAW. Findings of a study in Nigeria improved gender attitudes; they could also have produced showed that social norms were influential in “gender-related more socially desirable responses. practices” (Denny & Nwankwo, 2015, p. 17), since in Nige- Although adolescents in South Africa are less supportive ria, men are still considered the head of the household, gen- of VAW in their beliefs, this does not mean that those beliefs der roles continue to be traditionally defined based on to translate into behavior, as many studies (e.g., Abrahams & religious and traditional practices, and VAW is seen as “nor- Jewkes, 2005; Rasool, 2017; Jewkes et al., 2010) have mal” (Abayomi, 2014; Denny & Nwankwo, 2015). Denny reported high levels of adolescent exposure to victimization and Nwankwo (2015) based on their Nigerian study, con- and perpetration. Similarly, a Nigerian study (Denny & firmed that “occasional hitting of women in the household is Nwankwo, 2015) found that, although there was less support considered acceptable, rather than respondents holding a than expected for pro-VAW attitudes in their study, levels of zero-tolerance attitude toward VAWG” (p. 26). Fakunmoju and Rasool 11 Odimegwu, Okemgbo, and Ayila (2010) contend that, in Despite the above strengths, the study has limitations. A Nigeria, pro-VAW attitudes are common due to the belief causal relationship is not implied by the findings by the that the act of men beating their wives is an expression of nature of cross-sectional research. Instead, findings can be love. Similar findings of the acceptability and normalization understood in terms of the association between the examined of VAW, as well as notions that abuse is love, were evident in variables. While the age range of respondents was 12 to 18 South Africa (Rasool, 2015, 2016; Boonzaier & De la Rey, years, the fact that the respondents in Nigeria were more 2003). Hence, it is not unexpected that adolescent boys have likely to be older than those in South Africa suggests that the maintained beliefs that are pro-VAW, since socialization of current findings should be interpreted with caution pending boys reinforces violent masculinities that are supportive of the outcomes of future studies. Since the data were collected male VAW. These findings seem to provide support for the from adolescents in major metropolitan areas, the findings persistence of patriarchy in South Africa and Nigeria, despite may not be generalizable to adolescents in rural or other the subtleties and variations that may exist in the tapestry of urban and peri-urban areas of either country. Because expo- patriarchies evident in these two very different countries. sure to IPV and family violence may differ between urban and rural areas, these findings are not generalizable to urban Relationship status. Relationship status was found to be asso- and rural areas. They also cannot be generalized to other eth- ciated with negative beliefs about women and pro-VAW atti- nic or race groups or across the class divide. tudes. Entering intimate partner relationships is a complex Similarly, countries differ in efforts and campaigns and difficult terrain for adolescents to negotiate. In trying to denouncing VAW, which may have implications for differen- engage partners of the opposite sex, they draw on the rela- tial disclosure of exposure to violence across countries. tionships that they have witnessed in their homes and fami- Adolescents in a country where legal consequences are more lies to guide their views and behaviors. Hence, the influence pronounced may be reluctant to disclose exposure to VAW, of socialization and role modeling of VAWG is replicated by compared to adolescents in a society where VAW is cultur- adolescents in their own relationships. Further, being in a ally and religiously endorsed, with minimal legal conse- relationship forces adolescents to think about their beliefs quences. Our focus on differences across countries did not and to perform gender roles in a real-life situation. If their preclude an understanding of the hierarchical and nested socialization and role models reinforced pro-violence beliefs nature of the examined data and did not imply an absence of and behaviors, the adolescents are more likely to assimilate joint effects of within-school and country similarities and and re-enact these in their own relationships. Adolescence is variations on the examined variables. It also did not preclude the time for engaging in risky behavior (Beksinska et al., our understanding of the moderating effects of school and 2014); the bravado of youth may not consider violence risky, country factors on the relationship between the examined especially if there are no legal or social ramifications for variables. Because students live in the same community and such behavior, but rather valorization and support for per- completed the survey in the classroom, their responses to forming violent masculinities. survey questions cannot be deemed to be completely inde- pendent. However, this limitation is perhaps less critical Strengths and Limitations given the realization that the variables examined (i.e., expo- sure to intimate partner violence and exposure to family vio- The study, conducted in South Africa and Nigeria, has lence) focused on events that occurred in students’ home and strengths as well as limitations. It advances knowledge about community settings as opposed to events that occurred only the possibility of exposure to IPV and family violence as risk in school settings. Moreover, because cross-culturally empir- factors for endorsement of VAW. By examining the cross- ically validated measures were not available to operational- cultural exposure of adolescents to VAW and determining the ize the variables examined, valid conclusions about the effects of such exposure on beliefs about VAW, the study examined relationships cannot be assumed to have been suggests that differential exposures of adolescents to differ- reached. ent patriarchal structures and human development levels may have differential effects on beliefs about gender-based violence across societies. Similarly, by identifying cross- Implications of Findings for Policy, Practice, and cultural differences between the two countries, the findings Research draw attention to regions where culturally specific preven- tive and protective interventions may be beneficial. The find- This study shows that, in both Nigeria and South Africa, ado- ings reflect how successful measures for protecting lescents who have witnessed VAW (whether among intimate adolescents in one society may be beneficial for addressing partners or in the family) are more likely to have pro-VAW the vulnerabilities of adolescents in another. These findings attitudes and beliefs. This highlights the need for measures to provide the opportunity for reflection on cross-cultural and protect children from witnessing IPV and family violence contextual conditions that may have been instrumental to before antisocial gender attitudes are entrenched in both con- identified differences between the two countries. texts. It seems that exposure to oppression of women by men 12 SAGE Open through violence establishes, through socialization, adoles- into the curriculum that challenge pro-VAWG beliefs and cent views that women are subordinate to men and deserving patriarchy. Moreover, because adolescents are often less of violence. Notwithstanding the possible differences in pro- knowledgeable about the health, mental health, and legal con- pensity for pro-VAW beliefs among adolescents in South sequences of VAWG (see De Vries et al., 2014), integrating Africa and Nigeria, successful measures to combat exposure knowledge about such consequences into relevant prevention to IPV and family violence in both contexts are imperative to and intervention programs will go a long way in minimizing create the sensitivity that is needed to protect vulnerable ado- violence-supportive beliefs and behaviors. Extramural activi- lescents from the effects of such exposure. In school and ties and programs that focus on educating adolescents about within the community, efforts must be undertaken to deal the consequences of VAWG will also help to reduce the pro- with the consequences of VAW and mediate pro-VAW behav- pensity of holding VAWG-supportive beliefs and attitudes to iors and beliefs among adolescents. minimize the perpetration of VAWG among adolescents. This study confirmed that boys who have witnessed fam- Within countries, punitive, deterrent and detective mea- ily violence are more likely to hold pro-VAW beliefs. sures to identify and report occurrence, and protective mea- Because boys have more proclivity to VAW than girls (De sures to protect victims and guarantee psychosocial support Vries et al., 2014; Huesmann & Guerra, 1997; Mason-Jones for recovery may have positive effects in reducing VAWG. It et al., 2016; Pöllänen et al., 2018; Stoddard et al., 2015), is also important to create an atmosphere that encourages enhanced efforts should be made to work with boys to pre- victims to report, update record-keeping mechanisms to cap- vent pro-VAW beliefs and behaviors. Such efforts may be ture reports of VAWG as standalone categories, and facilitat- beneficial to male adolescents, who are at the age of dating ing adequate resource and budgetary allocations to address and more vulnerable to perpetration of physical, emotional, this issue at structural and institutional levels. and sexual violence against intimate partners. However, this Working with parents is essential for detection, interven- should not preclude working with girls who are more likely tion, and prevention of violence in families. In particular, to become victims. It is therefore imperative to work with strengthening the bond and time that parents spend with chil- adolescents of both genders, who have been exposed to IPV dren in positive and productive ways may be an important and family violence to improve their gender attitudes and to intervention, since this could foster better attitudes among mitigate the likelihood of intergenerational transmission of young people. However, current exposure to parents and violence, as a consequence of patriarchal socialization. families is largely violent and reproduces negative gender The evidence which suggests that adolescents in Nigeria attitudes that reinforce negative gender stereotypes that per- were more likely to be exposed to IPV and family violence petuate the intergenerational cycle of violence. Norms that and more likely to endorse VAW than adolescents in South are accepting of violence and perceptions of men being supe- Africa, suggests that specific interventions strategies are rior are two critical determinants of the reproduction of IPV needed in the Nigerian context. In particular, work with older (Jewkes, Levin, & Penn-Kekana, 2002), that need to be Nigerian boys who are in a relationship and who have been addressed in prevention and intervention programs. exposed to family violence is needed, as they are most likely Adolescents observe VAW not only in the community; to reproduce violence in their own relationships after such they also observe VAWG in all movies and other social exposure. However, prevention should be the focus at an media. Censorship of VAWG-supportive content in movies is even earlier stage with Nigerian boys who have been exposed essential. Collaboration with movie makers to avoid objecti- to violence, prior to them entering intimate partner relation- fication of women and to remove questionable program con- ships, which Slap et al. (2003) noted is younger than 12 tent in all media, including all movies, films, and social years. Providing young boys with options and tools to engage media, would help to stem the propagation of oppressive in more respectful and equal relationships before they enter beliefs and stereotypes. relationships could prevent intergenerational transmission of When considering the psychosocial, health and cultural violence before they enter relationships and before negative impacts of exposure to violence (Heinze et al., 2017; Ho & beliefs and stereotypes, that reinforce patriarchy, have a Cheung, 2010; Stoddard et al., 2015; Weaver et al., 2008), it chance to take root. It is clear that Nigerian adolescents were becomes clear that cross-cultural knowledge to inform policy more likely to hold pro-VAW beliefs than adolescents in and practice is imperative. The identification of VAW atti- South Africa, and the particularities of the sociocultural con- tudes and beliefs cross-culturally provides the opportunity for texts, as well as the ways in which patriarchy manifests in collaboration among practitioners, interventionists, policy these varied contexts, require more qualitative exploration. makers, film makers, social media activists, and law makers An effective approach for improving gender attitudes in formulating educational and legislative measures to protect among adolescents is awareness-raising and education in the vulnerable adolescents from exposure and the effects of expo- school context at a deep level of attitudinal and behavior sure to violence and from perpetrating violence during ado- change, through psycho-educational sessions led by social lescence and adulthood (see Pöllänen et al., 2018). workers and mental health practitioners. To this effect, ele- This study, based on cross-country research, contributes to mentary and secondary schools should integrate programs the evidence that exposure to IPV and family violence is Fakunmoju and Rasool 13 associated with negative gender attitudes. While the direction References of the relationship is unclear, it is necessary to address both Abayomi, A. A. (2014). Sociological implications of domestic these issues in intervention and policy, as both stem from sys- violence on children’s development in Nigeria. Journal of temic patriarchal orders. Nevertheless, patriarchal beliefs African Studies and Development, 6(1), 8-13. doi:10.5897/ about the superiority of men, which is reinforced through cul- JASD2013.0237 Abdullahi, U., Cusairi, R. M., & Abdullah, S. F. (2017). The influence of ture and religion that prescribes how women ought to be culture in domestic violence against women in Nigeria. 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Help-seeking after domestic violence: The criti- Blackwell. cal role of children. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 31, Weaver, C. M., Borkowski, J. G., & Whitman, T. L. (2008). 1661-1686. doi:10.1177/0886260515569057 Violence breeds violence: Childhood exposure and adolescent Rasool, S. (2017). Adolescent reports of experiencing gender based conduct problems. Journal of Community Psychology, 36(1), violence: Findings from a cross-sectional survey from schools 96-112. doi:10.1002/jcop.20219 in a South African city. Gender and Behaviour, 15, 9109-9122. World Bank. (2012). World Development Report 2012: Gender Rasool, S., & Suleman, M. (2016). Muslim women overcoming equality and development. Washington, DC: Author. marital violence: Breaking through “structural and cultural World Health Organization. (n.d.). Adolescent health. Retrieved prisons” created by religious leaders. AGENDA, 30(3), 38-49. from http://www.who.int/topics/adolescent_health/en/ doi:10.1080/10130950.2016.1275199 Yagboyaju, D. A. (2017). Religion, culture and political corruption Russell, M., Cupp, P. K., Jewkes, R. K., Gevers, A., Mathews, in Nigeria. Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance C., LeFleur-Bellerose, C., & Small, J. (2014). Intimate part- Review, 5(1), a151. doi:10.4102/apsdpr.v5i1.151 ner violence among adolescents in Cape Town, South Africa. Zona, K., & Milan, S. (2011). Gender differences in the longitudi- Prevention Science, 15, 283-295. doi:10.1007/s11121-013- nal impact of exposure to violence on mental health in urban 0405-7 youth. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 40, 1674-1690. Sathiparsad, R. (2008). Developing alternative masculinities as a doi:10.1007/s10964-011-9649-3 strategy to address gender-based violence. International Social Work, 51, 348-359. doi:10.1177/0020872807088081 Author Biographies Schafer, J. L., & Graham, J. W. (2002). Missing data: Our view Sunday B. Fakunmoju, MSW, PhD, is a licensed independent of the state of the art. Psychological Methods, 7, 147-177. clinical social worker (LICSW), an associate professor in the doi:10.1037//1082-989X.7.2.147 Department of Social Work at Westfield State University, Slap, G. B., Lot, L., Huang, B., Daniyam, A., Zink, T. M., & Succop, Massachusetts, USA, and senior research associate in the faculty of P. A. (2003). Sexual behaviour of adolescents in Nigeria: Cross Fakunmoju and Rasool 17 Humanities at University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Social Policy. She is currently an associate professor and head of Africa. His research interests include parental and interpersonal the Social Work Department at the University of Johannesburg violence and abuse, sexual health, child welfare, and violence pre- (UJ). Her research has looked at the socio-cultural influences of vention and intervention across societies. He utilizes quantitative help-seeking as well as responses from formal and informal and qualitative research methods to examine the impacts of parental resources to abused women. Shahana is vice-president of the and interpersonal violence and abuse on attitudes, behaviors, and Association for Schools of Social work in Africa (ASSWA) and chair psychosocial outcomes and determine the efficacy of intervention of the Southern African Journal for Social Work and Social in preventing violence and treating its effects. Development. She is also chair of the International conference on Gender, which was held in 2018 in Thailand and will be held in Shahana Rasool is a Rhodes Scholar who obtained a masters and 2019 in Sri Lanka. doctorate from the University of Oxford (UK), Department of

Journal

SAGE OpenSAGE

Published: Dec 10, 2018

Keywords: adolescent exposure to violence; gender-based violence; violence against women; intimate partner violence; family violence; gender attitudes; adolescent beliefs; South Africa; Nigeria

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