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Mortality Salience Effects on the Life Expectancy Estimates of Older Adults as a Function of Neuroticism

Mortality Salience Effects on the Life Expectancy Estimates of Older Adults as a Function of... SAGE-Hindawi Access to Research Journal of Aging Research Volume 2010, Article ID 260123, 8 pages doi:10.4061/2010/260123 Research Article Mortality Salience Effects on the Life Expectancy Estimates of Older Adults as a Function of Neuroticism 1 2 1 3 Molly Maxfield, Sheldon Solomon, Tom Pyszczynski, and Jeff Greenberg Psychology Department, University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, 1420 Austin Bluffs Pkwy, Colorado Springs, CO 80918-7150, USA Psychology Department, Skidmore Collage, 815 N. Broadway, Saratoga Springs, NY 12866, USA Psychology Department, University of Arizona, 1503 E. University Boulevard, P.O. Box 210068, Tucson, AZ 85721, USA Correspondence should be addressed to Molly Maxfield, mmaxfiel@uccs.edu Received 5 May 2010; Revised 17 August 2010; Accepted 22 October 2010 Academic Editor: Thomas M. Hess Copyright © 2010 Molly Maxfield et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Research has shown that reminders of mortality lead people to engage in defenses to minimize the anxiety such thoughts could arouse. In accord with this notion, younger adults reminded of mortality engage in behaviors aimed at denying vulnerability to death. However, little is known about the effects of mortality reminders on older adults. The present study examined the effect of reminders of death on older adults’ subjective life expectancy. Mortality reminders did not significantly impact the life expectancy estimates of old-old adults. Reminders of death did however lead to shorter life expectancy estimates among young-old participants low in neuroticism but longer life expectancy estimates among young-old participants high in neuroticism, suggesting that this group was most defensive in response to reminders of death. 1. Introduction (75–84) reported greater fears concerning loss of the body (e.g. cremation or bodily decay after death) than those in Increasing age brings increased awareness that one’s remain- young-old age (60–74), but the two groups did not differ ing lifetime is dwindling. Older adults experience increas- in reported fears concerning the “unknown” (e.g. what ingly frequent reminders of mortality due to their own constitutes the afterlife; what it means to cease existing). declining health and the deaths of friends and family mem- Research available to date thus provides an incomplete and bers. Does this psychological proximity to death increase somewhat puzzling picture of older persons’ concerns about anxiety and defensiveness among older individuals, or death. serve as the impetus to develop greater comfort with and acceptance of their mortality? 1.1. Terror Management Theory. Terror management theory Research examining self-reported fear of death across (TMT) [6, 7] provides an alternative approach to the study of the lifespan has produced mixed results. Younger adults death anxiety. The theory posits that humankind’s capacity consistently report higher fear of death than older adults for awareness of their inevitable death creates the potential [1, 2], yet it remains unclear whether mortality-related for devastating anxiety that is managed by an anxiety- concerns continue to decrease or remain stable in later life. buffering system consisting of a cultural worldview, self- Some studies indicate that fear of death continues to decline esteem, and close relationships. The cultural worldview pro- throughout later life [3]. However, a meta-analysis of this vides a conception of reality and a set of guidelines for valued research concluded that fear of death declines from middle behavior shared by the culture’s inhabitants. Following these age to old age, but among older adults, age no longer reliably guidelines provides structure within an otherwise chaotic predicts self-reported fear of death [4]. Age differences may world, a sense of belongingness, and literal immortality (e.g. depend on the specific aspect of death anxiety being assessed. entry into heaven, reincarnation, or other form of afterlife) Cicirelli [5] reported that individuals in mid-old age and/or symbolic immortality (e.g., job promotions, having 2 Journal of Aging Research a park or building named after one’s family). Meeting or report lower levels of death anxiety than younger adults, exceeding culturally constructed standards of value gives although the details of this pattern are not yet completely the individual self-esteem, the feeling that one is a valuable clear. contributor to a meaningful universe. Close relationships Although many people report that they do not fear harken back to the security provided by early attachments to death, research suggests that younger adults’ self-reported one’s parents and are essential for the maintenance of both fear of death is not predictive of responses to MS induc- self-esteem and faith in one’s worldview. Together, cultural tions in terror management studies [17]. This raises the worldview, self-esteem, and close relationships provide a possibility that even though older persons report lower fear protective shield against the potential for anxiety that results of death on explicit measures, they may still experience from awareness of the inevitability of death. death anxiety and respond defensively to reminders of death. Support for TMT comes from a large body of research Because TMT posits that individuals with poorly function- showing that when people are reminded of death (mortality ing anxiety-buffering systems would be especially suscep- salience, MS), they show increased commitment to and tible to the influence of mortality reminders, one might defense of their worldviews, self-esteem, and close relation- expect that older adults would be an especially vulnerable ships (see [8] for a recent review). For example MS has been group. shown to lead to more positive reactions toward those who Initial TMT research with older adults indicates that praise one’s worldview and more negative reactions toward older adults do not respond to reminders of death with the those who criticize it [9], more self-esteem striving [10], and same distal defenses that younger persons use. Specifically, greater reports of attraction to romantic partners [11]. A following an MS induction, younger adults were more puni- recent meta-analysis by Burke and colleagues [12] found that tive towards individuals breaking social norms, whereas older MS effects are highly reliable and yield moderate-to-large participants were more lenient towards moral transgressors effects (r = .35, d = .75) on a wide range of attitudinal, [18]. However, this effect only emerged reliably when the behavioral, and cognitive dependent variables. reminder of death was very subtle. In other studies, older The pursuit of faith in one’s worldview, self-esteem, and adults did not show the increased tendency to structure social close relationships are referred to as distal defenses because information in a simplistic manner as displayed by younger they bear no direct or logical connection to the problem of adults reminded of death [19] but did show increased death, but rather, provide protection by enabling people to generativity striving which was not found in younger adults construe themselves as valued contributors to a meaningful [20]. universe. Proximal defenses, on the other hand, refer to In studies of proximal defensiveness [21], older par- defensive responses that deal with the problem of death in ticipants indicated decreased interest in health promoting a direct and seemingly logical way. Research has shown that behavior when death was in focal attention, in direct reminders of death also increase proximal defenses, such contrast to younger and middle-aged adults who showed as increasing one’s interest in exercise [13] and believing more interest in health information after death reminders. that one possesses characteristics associated with a long life Conversely, when thoughts of death were no longer in expectancy [14]. focal attention, older adults with low self-esteem reported increased intention to engage in health behaviors after MS but those with high self-esteem were not influenced by MS. 1.2. TMT and Aging. As people age, it is likely that they However, it should be noted that older adults in these last two studies ranged in age from 51 to 65 years, providing an become less able to meet many of the standards that pre- viously provided them with self-esteem. This is particularly incomplete picture of terror management processes in later problematic within Western culture, where many central life. achievements include success in the areas of career, finances, The present study assessed the effect of reminders of and physical appearance, all of which are more difficult death on older adults’ use of what is perhaps the most direct and simple form of proximal defense—simply believing that to accomplish in later life. With advancing age, people are also likely to witness changes in mainstream cultural death is far away and that one has many remaining years worldviews, which could result in decreased consensual to live. An older adult who has come to accept mortality would be more likely to provide a realistic estimate of his validation of older adults’ cultural worldview, providing fewer opportunities for boosting self-esteem and resulting or her lifespan, whereas someone who remains fearful of, in drastic changes in the anxiety-buffering system. See or uncomfortable with, death would most likely engage in McCoy et al. [15] for a theoretical exploration of TMT and the proximal defense of denying the event via longer life aging. expectancy estimates. Indeed, it appears that people of all In contrast to the suggestion of psychological deteriora- ages are generally accurate in their life expectancy estimates tion and struggle in later life, there is abundant empirical [22, 23]. However, it seems likely that logical awareness support for the idea that older adults developed methods of one’s likely lifespan would differ from desired lifespan. Consistent with this notion, Cicirelli [5] had participants for adapting to the changes inherent in later life. A growing body of research suggests that older adults are increasingly report the number of years they thought they would live and focused on positive information and experiences, while number of years they would like to live. Results indicated attending less to negative information [16]. As noted above, that mid-old adults (75–84), although probabilistically closer the literature [1–4] also suggests that older adults generally to death, reported a greater discrepancy between the two Journal of Aging Research 3 estimates, suggesting they wanted to live longer than they Table 1: Demographic information and individual differences. expected, compared to a young-old (60–74) group asked to Young-Old Old-Old Overall make the same estimates. Although this study did not include M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) reminders of mortality, the assessments of both expected Age 66.38 (3.62) 77.68 (3.91) 71.44 (6.77) and desired life expectancy provide an indication of the Gender (% Female) 60 (81%) 48 (80%) 108 (81%) contrast existing between real and ideal remaining years in life. Neuroticism 7.39 (4.67) 8.48 (5.20) 7.88 (4.92) Self-esteem 3.92 (.46) 3.64 (.60) 3.80 (.54) Positive affect 3.28 (.67) 3.18 (.71) 3.23 (.69) 1.3. TMT and Neuroticism. Terror management research Negative affect 1.29 (.38) 1.49 (.49) 1.38 (.44) has shown that some people are better able to deal with indicates age differences ≤.01. death than others. One predictor of responses to reminders of death is neuroticism, a general sensitivity toward fear and anxiety, a trait which may leave highly neurotic indi- viduals less capable of effectively defending against death- 2. Method related anxiety. Indeed, persons high in neuroticism exhibit exaggerated responses to MS, distancing themselves from A between-subjects design was used, with two groups: the the physical body [24, 25] and bodily sensations [26]. MS condition and a control condition. Random assignment Greater defensiveness in response to reminders of death to condition allowed for distribution of individual difference among highly neurotic individuals is perhaps not surprising variables and pre-existing differences in life expectancy given research suggesting that neuroticism is associated with beliefs across study conditions. Although having baseline greater immediate [27] and longer-term emotional reactivity data of participant life expectancy could be useful, it was [28], poorer coping skills [29], increased susceptibility to a not assessed because multiple measurement in a short time variety of psychological disorders [30], and greater death- period could motivate participants to appear consistent or related anxiety [31]. It is believed that the traits associated tip them off to the purpose of the study. with neuroticism leave this group less equipped to manage death-related anxiety. In addition to the role of neuroticism 2.1. Participants. Participants were recruited from an annual in terror management processes, this personality trait has mature adults’ minicollege lecture series at a liberal arts also been associated with poorer perceived health among college. Attendees expressing interest in participating were older adults [32]; it was therefore hypothesized that neu- given questionnaire packets to complete at home. Of 160 roticism would be related to older individuals’ subjective life distributed, 134 completed packets were returned (84%). expectancy estimates and responses to increased awareness of Participants ranged in age from 57 to 87 years old (M = mortality. 71.44, SD = 6.77). The sample included 26 men and 108 women. Men (M = 70.88, SD = 6.69) and women (M = 1.4. The Present Study. The present study examined effects of 71.57, SD = 6.81) did not differ in age, P = .64. (Inclusion death reminders on older adults’ subjective life expectancy of participant sex did not alter analyses reported; there was estimates and the potential moderating roles of age and no main effect for sex, nor did this variable interact with neuroticism. Bearing in mind Erikson’s [33]proposition prime, age, and neuroticism, Ps >.11 for life expectancy that the final stages of life are distinctively different from estimates, positive affect, negative affect, and self-esteem.) early and midlife, we considered the possibility that old-old See Table 1 for sample characteristics. participants’ (73 to 87 years old) responses to MS would differ compared with young-old participants (57–72 years old). Aside from the intuitive prediction that young-old 2.2. Procedure. To prevent participants from speculating about the purpose of the study, they were told the study con- would expect to live longer than old-old participants, we had no strong expectations about age groups’ reactions to MS, cerned the personality and attitudes of older adults. Packets but suspected that old-old persons are more accepting of were distributed in sealed envelopes, so experimenters were death and would therefore be less likely to respond to MS blind to conditions. Participants were randomly assigned to with longer life expectancy estimates. either the MS (N = 73) or pain conditions (N = 61); groups We did however, have clear hypotheses about the moder- did not differ in age (P = .46) or gender (P = .42). ating role of neuroticism. Based on findings indicating that Participants first completed the 23-item neuroticism sub- highly neurotic individuals show exaggerated defensiveness scale of the Eysenck Personality Inventory [36]. Participants following reminders of morality [24–26], we predicted that indicated agreement with a variety of statements (e.g., Would participants reporting higher levels of neuroticism would be you call yourself tense or “highly-strung”?) with yes or no. more likely to respond to MS by distancing themselves from Yes responses were scored as 1, and no responses scored as death via longer predicted life expectancies because their 0, for a possible range of scores from 0 to 23; higher scores anxiety-buffering systems are typically weaker than individ- indicate greater neuroticism (M = 7.88, SD = 4.92). This uals low in neuroticism, and highly neurotic individuals are measure (α = .85) served the dual purpose of assessing the more likely to use avoidance-oriented coping mechanisms hypothesized moderating variable as well as supporting the [34, 35]. cover story. 4 Journal of Aging Research Next, participants completed the two open-ended ques- 28 tions for the MS manipulation. MS participants responded to the questions “Please briefly describe the emotions that the thought of your own death arouses in you” and “Jot down, as specifically as you can, what you think will happen to you as you physically die and once you are physically dead.” Control participants responded to parallel questions (“Please briefly describe the emotions that the thought of experiencing intense physical pain arouse in you” and “Jot down, as specifically as you can, what you think will happen to you as you experience intense physical pain”). Physical pain was selected as a control because it is a negative experience that does not involve death. These questions Low neuroticism High neuroticism increase the accessibility of, or prime, thoughts related to MS mortality or the experience of physical pain. Indeed, previous Pain research reveals that MS questions have reliably proven to increase death-thought accessibility as well as defen- Figure 1: Life expectancy estimates as a function of mortality salience and neuroticism among old-old adults. Note that scores sive responses, whereas questions regarding pain have not indicate estimated remaining years to live. [11, 37]. Participants then completed the 60-item Expanded Pos- itive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS-X) [38], indicat- ing on a scale of 1 (very slightly or not at all) to 5 (extremely), the extent to which they were experiencing listed emotions was dummy-coded, and continuous variables, age and neu- (e.g., interested, ashamed) “at the present moment.” Scales roticism were centered at the mean. Main effects were entered of both positive (α = .78) and negative affect (α = .85) in step 1 (ΔR = .39, P< .01), two-way interactions in step 2 had acceptable reliability. They also completed the 20-item (ΔR = .06, P< .01), and the three-way interaction in step 3 2 2 State Self-Esteem Scale [39], indicating on a scale of 1 (not (ΔR = .03, P< .01). For the full model, adjusted R = .46, at all) to 5 (extremely) the extent to which they agreed P< .01. with 20 statements relating to self-esteem (e.g. “I feel that Main effects were observed for age, B =−.70, SE = .08, others respect and admire me.”; α = .89). Mean scores t =−8.81, P< .01 ( r = .37), and neuroticism, partial were calculated for affect and self-esteem, with resulting B =−.22, SE = .11, t =−1.99, P = .05 ( = partial possible scores ranging from 1 to 5. Although affect and .03);advancedage andhigherlevelsofneuroticism predicted self-esteem are not typically affected by MS in studies with shorter subjective life expectancy. Participants in the MS younger adults, we included these measures because little condition reported marginally lower life expectancy than is known about MS effects among older adults. Further, those in the control condition, P = .11. because life expectancy estimation has not been used as a These main effects were qualified by a significant MS × dependent variable in TMT research, assessments of affect neuroticism interaction, B = .73, SE = .21, t = 3.50, and self-esteem allowed us to examine its relationship to P< .01 ( r = .09), and the predicted significant three- partial these variables. The two measures also provided a delay way interaction, B =−.08, SE = .03, t =−2.90, P< and distraction before the dependent variable to reduce the .01 ( = .06). To explore this three-way interaction, partial likelihood of participants making an explicit connection we assessed the MS × neuroticism interaction separately between the MS induction and dependent measure. for young-old (57–72, M = 66.38, SD = 3.62) and old- Participants then reported their gender and age. Lastly, old participants (73–87, M = 77.68, SD = 3.91). This for our primary dependent variable, participants were asked analysis revealed no effects among old-old participants, to indicate “To what age do you expect to live?” They then Ps >.50. Among young-old, there was a tendency for attended a lecture given as a portion of the course they were higher neuroticism to predict shorter life expectancy (P = enrolled in, which included a debriefing and discussion of the .06), and the predicted MS × neuroticism interaction was study. significant, B = .61, SE = .32, t = 4.42, P< .01 ( r = .22). Thus old-old participants’ life expectancy partial estimates were not affected by MS or neuroticism; see 3. Results Figure 1. 3.1. Life Expectancy. The primary dependent variable, Among young-old participants, high neuroticism was remaining life expectancy, was created by subtracting current associated with lower life expectancies: in the control condi- age from estimated life expectancy. For example, a 65-year- tion this relationship was statistically significant, B =−.94, old estimating she will live to 85 would receive a score of 20. SE = .18, t =−5.15, P< .01, but in the MS condition it fell Life expectancy served as a dependent variable in hierarchical short of significance, B = .45, SE = .26, t = 1.72, P = .09. To regression analyses with MS condition, age, neuroticism, test our primary hypotheses about the effect of MS on high and resulting two- and three-way interactions as predictors. and low neurotics, we assessed the effect of MS separately Following Aiken and West’s [40] methods, the MS variable at 1 SD above and 1 SD below the neuroticism mean [34]. Life expectancy estimate Journal of Aging Research 5 28 4. Discussion The present results suggest that the way older adults cope with increased proximity to death depends on both age and neuroticism. Except for those in the high neurotic control group, old-old participants predicted fewer remaining years of life than young-old participants. Young-old partici- pants with lower levels of neuroticism responded to death 14 reminders with lower estimates of life expectancy. Among young-old adults, this arguably more adaptive personality type seems to allow for less defensive responses to reminders of mortality. On the other hand, young-old adults who were high in Low neuroticism High neuroticism neuroticism responded to MS with longer life expectancy MS estimates. This is consistent with research linking high Pain levels of neuroticism to the use of avoidance as a defense mechanism [34, 35] and especially defensive responses to Figure 2: Life expectancy estimates as a function of mortality salience and neuroticism among young-old adults. Note that scores reminders of mortality among younger adults [24–26]. indicate estimated remaining years to live. Neuroticism predicts both poorer perceived health [32]and greater susceptibility to anxiety disorders [41]among older adults. This is likely reflected in the control condition, in which more neurotic participants generally reported a lower Among low neurotic young-old individuals, MS decreased life expectancy. With poorer perceived health and more life expectancy estimates, B =−5.80, SE = 2.02, t =−2.87, anxieties, a lower life expectancy may be expected for highly P< .01. However, consistent with our primary hypothesis, neurotic individuals. For the young-old, this difference among high neurotic young-old participants, MS leads to between low and high neurotics was eliminated because the longer life expectancy estimates, B = 7.93, SE = 2.24, t = high neurotics increased their life expectancy estimate after 3.55, P< .01, see Figure 2. The finding that neuroticism was MS. These findings are consistent with our interpretation of generally associated with reporting lower life expectancies the MS-induced increase in life expectancy among young- appears consistent with previous findings that neuroticism is old participants in the present study being a proximal terror associated with poorer perceived health among older adults management defense to avoid the problem of death. As [32]. However, the finding that high neurotic young-old predicted, high neurotic young-old adults increased their participants were the only group to respond to MS with life expectancy estimates in the present study, presum- increased life expectancy estimates suggests that they are also ably because they lack adequate anxiety-buffering mecha- especially defensive in this regard when thoughts of death are nisms. The present results suggest that, generally speaking, primed. high neurotic young-old adults have lower subjective life Looked at differently, young-old participants reported expectancy than their less neurotic counterparts; however, greater life expectancies than old-old participants in all but reminders of mortality activate the defensive reaction of one condition (Ps <.01), high neuroticism control (P = increasing their life expectancy estimates. .15). Reminders of death seemed to counteract this tendency Interestingly, old-old participants did not show this by activating death-denying responses that elevated young- defensive response to MS, regardless of neuroticism level. It is old high neurotics’ life expectancy estimates above those certainly easy to imagine a well-adjusted (i.e., low neurotic) of old-old high neurotic participants, P< .01, but still old-old individual accepting the reality of mortality and not to the level of low neurotic young-old participants, being less impacted by reminders of it, as found among P = .09. young-old low neurotic participants in this study. The fact that highly neurotic old-old participants in the present study were also unaffected by reminders of death suggests that 3.2. Affect and Self-Esteem. One-way analysis of variance was with highly advanced age, people may become increasingly used to test for possible effects of MS on positive and negative accepting of their mortality and thus less likely to engage in affect and self-esteem, and revealed no MS effects on positive defensive denial. It may also be that increasing life expectancy affect (P = .97) or self-esteem (P = .74). Participants in the was simply implausible for persons of this age group. The MS condition tended to report higher negative affect (P = implausibility of denial may play a role in promoting death .06). Treating positive and negative affect and self-esteem acceptance. as covariates in regression analyses did not significantly influence the reported results concerning life expectancy; the Taken as a whole, the present results suggest that the process of aging and the associated more frequent reminders three way interaction remained significant, P = .02. Positive affect was positively related to life expectancy estimates, B = of mortality provide motivation for young-old adults low .28, SE = .94, t = 3.42, P< .01, whilenegativeaffect was in neuroticism to strive for death acceptance, or at the very negatively related to these estimates, B =−.19, SE = 1.46, least, sober realism, as reflected in their shorter estimates t =−2.19, P< .05. of life expectancy following MS. However, those in the Life expectancy estimate 6 Journal of Aging Research young-old range with higher levels of neuroticism may lack process of moving from stage to stage is a gradual process similar psychological resources and therefore attempt to rather than a discrete transition. The present finding that distance themselves from death via longer life expectancy neuroticism predicts defensive responses to MS in young- ratings. Yet among old-old individuals, neuroticism was no old but not old-old adults, suggests that advancing age longer predictive of defensive reactions to MS. This could may encourage changes in coping even among neurotic reflect a relinquishing of efforts to defend, or perhaps with persons who were resistant to such changes in their younger highly advanced age, neurotic individuals develop different, years. untapped methods for coping with death-related anxiety. Additional research will be needed to determine whether the present results reflect acceptance of death or a switch to other 4.1. Limitations and Future Directions. Due to the fact that types of defenses. the study was conducted in a large group as part of an Erikson [33] suggested that in later life, people con- educational program, we were unable to conduct cognitive template the fundamental nature of their existence. He screens. It would be helpful to be able to link participants’ maintained that in the eighth stage of development, people results to their level of cognitive functioning, or at least have enter a period characterized by either ego integrity or despair. definitive information showing that cognitive functioning He described ego integrity as an acceptance of the life led and was not playing a role in the present results. Health awareness that death is a natural part of life; these individuals information could also be of interest regarding its impact would presumably respond less defensively to reminders of on life expectancy estimates, as subjective health ratings have mortality. Others may experience despair, characterized by been shown to predict desired length of life expectancy [22]. fearfulness that life is coming to a close and an inability We feel confident that the individuals participating in this to identify a coherent sense of purpose and/or achievement study were highly functioning and healthy older adults, as all in their lives. Although a direct measurement of Erikson’s were participating in a lecture series involving transportation concepts of ego integrity and despair was not included in to campus and attendance at three lectures a day, one day the present study, persons with high levels of neuroticism per week, over the course of 6 weeks. Participants also seem less likely to achieve ego integrity. Erikson’s suggestion initiated participation in the study and were actively engaged that despair is characterized by fearfulness, some of which is in the educational program at which they were recruited. specific to death [33], and research linking neuroticism to the Indeed, the high functioning nature of our sample most fear of death [31], are consistent with the possibility that a likely offers a picture of healthy aging processes, which lack of ego integrity among high neurotics might play a role may limit the generalizability of our results to less healthy in the present results. Indeed, young-old participants high older adults. Any variability in functioning or health would in neuroticism displayed defensive distancing from death likely be distributed evenly across conditions due to random that might reflect what Erikson identified as a lack of ego assignment. Ideally, we would also have more demographic integrity. Conversely, people with lower levels of neuroticism and personal information, allowing assessment of whether predicted shorter life spans following reminders of death, variables such as socioeconomic status, health, and religious implying the potential acceptance of life’s end. beliefs affect responses to MS. However, the homogeneous The present findings suggest that with truly advanced nature of the participant pool and their overall high level age, such as the old-old participants in the present study, of functioning suggest there were likely to be relatively little neuroticism no longer predicts responses to MS. Joan variability on these dimensions. Further, in previous TMT Erikson’s subsequent addition of a ninth stage [42]may studies with older adults, we have not found socioeconomic help explain this diminishing role of neuroticism toward status, health, or religious beliefs to have significant impact the end of life. In the proposed ninth stage, which emerges on results [18–20]. in very old age, individuals must cope with the extreme Another potential limitation may be our control condi- physical changes experienced in the late 80s and beyond. tion. Although research with younger adults indicates that During this stage, people consider the larger meaning of life, priming thoughts of physical pain produces effects similar rather than focusing on one’s own individual life. Erikson to that of neutral primes [11, 37], it may be that thinking described this as a time involving serious reflection on about the experience of physical pain is different for older, personal death, which may include acute awareness of the compared to younger adults, because they are more likely likely causes of one’s own passing. It may be that at this point to have health problems that involve physical pain. If their in development, even neurotic individuals move toward physical pain is associated with a debilitating or potentially greater acceptance of death. fatal disease process, thinking of this pain may subsequently It is important to point out, though, that the old- elicit reminders of death. However, a content analysis of old group in the present study was largely composed of participants’ responses to the pain salience induction found individuals slightly younger than those expected to be in that only six participants mentioned death-related problems the ninth stage as defined by Erikson (20 participants were or concepts, and these were no more frequent among old-old 80 and older, and 4 were 85 and older). It seems likely, neurotic participants than the other groups. (Exclusion of though, that the transition toward this ninth stage of death these participants did not significantly alter reported results.) acceptance is a gradual process that begins before the late 80s; Future studies should include a wider variety of control indeed, Erikson [33] was clear that the ages specified were inductions to identify the most appropriate one for older age general guidelines, that varied across persons, and that the groups. Journal of Aging Research 7 Despite these limitations, the present results offer insight [10] M. Mikulincer and V. Florian, “The effects of mortality salience on self-serving attributions—evidence for the func- into older adults’ responses to reminders of death and expe- tion of self-esteem as a terror management mechanism,” Basic rience of existential anxiety. It appears that older individuals and Applied Social Psychology, vol. 24, no. 4, pp. 261–271, 2002. low in neuroticism develop some level of acceptance of their [11] V. Florian, M. Mikulincer, and G. Hirschberger, “The anxiety- mortality, and as a result they are less likely to respond to MS buffering function of close relationships: evidence that rela- with significantly longer life expectancy estimates. This may tionship commitment acts as a terror management mecha- also be the case for old-old individuals regardless of level of nism,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 82, no. neuroticism, whose responses are not significantly affected 4, pp. 527–542, 2002. by MS. However, young-old adults with high neuroticism [12] B. L. Burke, A. Martens, and E. H. Faucher, “Two decades apparently continue to be motivated to view death as part of terror management theory: a meta-analysis of mortality of the distant future. 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Mortality Salience Effects on the Life Expectancy Estimates of Older Adults as a Function of Neuroticism

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Copyright © 2010 Molly Maxfield et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
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SAGE-Hindawi Access to Research Journal of Aging Research Volume 2010, Article ID 260123, 8 pages doi:10.4061/2010/260123 Research Article Mortality Salience Effects on the Life Expectancy Estimates of Older Adults as a Function of Neuroticism 1 2 1 3 Molly Maxfield, Sheldon Solomon, Tom Pyszczynski, and Jeff Greenberg Psychology Department, University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, 1420 Austin Bluffs Pkwy, Colorado Springs, CO 80918-7150, USA Psychology Department, Skidmore Collage, 815 N. Broadway, Saratoga Springs, NY 12866, USA Psychology Department, University of Arizona, 1503 E. University Boulevard, P.O. Box 210068, Tucson, AZ 85721, USA Correspondence should be addressed to Molly Maxfield, mmaxfiel@uccs.edu Received 5 May 2010; Revised 17 August 2010; Accepted 22 October 2010 Academic Editor: Thomas M. Hess Copyright © 2010 Molly Maxfield et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. Research has shown that reminders of mortality lead people to engage in defenses to minimize the anxiety such thoughts could arouse. In accord with this notion, younger adults reminded of mortality engage in behaviors aimed at denying vulnerability to death. However, little is known about the effects of mortality reminders on older adults. The present study examined the effect of reminders of death on older adults’ subjective life expectancy. Mortality reminders did not significantly impact the life expectancy estimates of old-old adults. Reminders of death did however lead to shorter life expectancy estimates among young-old participants low in neuroticism but longer life expectancy estimates among young-old participants high in neuroticism, suggesting that this group was most defensive in response to reminders of death. 1. Introduction (75–84) reported greater fears concerning loss of the body (e.g. cremation or bodily decay after death) than those in Increasing age brings increased awareness that one’s remain- young-old age (60–74), but the two groups did not differ ing lifetime is dwindling. Older adults experience increas- in reported fears concerning the “unknown” (e.g. what ingly frequent reminders of mortality due to their own constitutes the afterlife; what it means to cease existing). declining health and the deaths of friends and family mem- Research available to date thus provides an incomplete and bers. Does this psychological proximity to death increase somewhat puzzling picture of older persons’ concerns about anxiety and defensiveness among older individuals, or death. serve as the impetus to develop greater comfort with and acceptance of their mortality? 1.1. Terror Management Theory. Terror management theory Research examining self-reported fear of death across (TMT) [6, 7] provides an alternative approach to the study of the lifespan has produced mixed results. Younger adults death anxiety. The theory posits that humankind’s capacity consistently report higher fear of death than older adults for awareness of their inevitable death creates the potential [1, 2], yet it remains unclear whether mortality-related for devastating anxiety that is managed by an anxiety- concerns continue to decrease or remain stable in later life. buffering system consisting of a cultural worldview, self- Some studies indicate that fear of death continues to decline esteem, and close relationships. The cultural worldview pro- throughout later life [3]. However, a meta-analysis of this vides a conception of reality and a set of guidelines for valued research concluded that fear of death declines from middle behavior shared by the culture’s inhabitants. Following these age to old age, but among older adults, age no longer reliably guidelines provides structure within an otherwise chaotic predicts self-reported fear of death [4]. Age differences may world, a sense of belongingness, and literal immortality (e.g. depend on the specific aspect of death anxiety being assessed. entry into heaven, reincarnation, or other form of afterlife) Cicirelli [5] reported that individuals in mid-old age and/or symbolic immortality (e.g., job promotions, having 2 Journal of Aging Research a park or building named after one’s family). Meeting or report lower levels of death anxiety than younger adults, exceeding culturally constructed standards of value gives although the details of this pattern are not yet completely the individual self-esteem, the feeling that one is a valuable clear. contributor to a meaningful universe. Close relationships Although many people report that they do not fear harken back to the security provided by early attachments to death, research suggests that younger adults’ self-reported one’s parents and are essential for the maintenance of both fear of death is not predictive of responses to MS induc- self-esteem and faith in one’s worldview. Together, cultural tions in terror management studies [17]. This raises the worldview, self-esteem, and close relationships provide a possibility that even though older persons report lower fear protective shield against the potential for anxiety that results of death on explicit measures, they may still experience from awareness of the inevitability of death. death anxiety and respond defensively to reminders of death. Support for TMT comes from a large body of research Because TMT posits that individuals with poorly function- showing that when people are reminded of death (mortality ing anxiety-buffering systems would be especially suscep- salience, MS), they show increased commitment to and tible to the influence of mortality reminders, one might defense of their worldviews, self-esteem, and close relation- expect that older adults would be an especially vulnerable ships (see [8] for a recent review). For example MS has been group. shown to lead to more positive reactions toward those who Initial TMT research with older adults indicates that praise one’s worldview and more negative reactions toward older adults do not respond to reminders of death with the those who criticize it [9], more self-esteem striving [10], and same distal defenses that younger persons use. Specifically, greater reports of attraction to romantic partners [11]. A following an MS induction, younger adults were more puni- recent meta-analysis by Burke and colleagues [12] found that tive towards individuals breaking social norms, whereas older MS effects are highly reliable and yield moderate-to-large participants were more lenient towards moral transgressors effects (r = .35, d = .75) on a wide range of attitudinal, [18]. However, this effect only emerged reliably when the behavioral, and cognitive dependent variables. reminder of death was very subtle. In other studies, older The pursuit of faith in one’s worldview, self-esteem, and adults did not show the increased tendency to structure social close relationships are referred to as distal defenses because information in a simplistic manner as displayed by younger they bear no direct or logical connection to the problem of adults reminded of death [19] but did show increased death, but rather, provide protection by enabling people to generativity striving which was not found in younger adults construe themselves as valued contributors to a meaningful [20]. universe. Proximal defenses, on the other hand, refer to In studies of proximal defensiveness [21], older par- defensive responses that deal with the problem of death in ticipants indicated decreased interest in health promoting a direct and seemingly logical way. Research has shown that behavior when death was in focal attention, in direct reminders of death also increase proximal defenses, such contrast to younger and middle-aged adults who showed as increasing one’s interest in exercise [13] and believing more interest in health information after death reminders. that one possesses characteristics associated with a long life Conversely, when thoughts of death were no longer in expectancy [14]. focal attention, older adults with low self-esteem reported increased intention to engage in health behaviors after MS but those with high self-esteem were not influenced by MS. 1.2. TMT and Aging. As people age, it is likely that they However, it should be noted that older adults in these last two studies ranged in age from 51 to 65 years, providing an become less able to meet many of the standards that pre- viously provided them with self-esteem. This is particularly incomplete picture of terror management processes in later problematic within Western culture, where many central life. achievements include success in the areas of career, finances, The present study assessed the effect of reminders of and physical appearance, all of which are more difficult death on older adults’ use of what is perhaps the most direct and simple form of proximal defense—simply believing that to accomplish in later life. With advancing age, people are also likely to witness changes in mainstream cultural death is far away and that one has many remaining years worldviews, which could result in decreased consensual to live. An older adult who has come to accept mortality would be more likely to provide a realistic estimate of his validation of older adults’ cultural worldview, providing fewer opportunities for boosting self-esteem and resulting or her lifespan, whereas someone who remains fearful of, in drastic changes in the anxiety-buffering system. See or uncomfortable with, death would most likely engage in McCoy et al. [15] for a theoretical exploration of TMT and the proximal defense of denying the event via longer life aging. expectancy estimates. Indeed, it appears that people of all In contrast to the suggestion of psychological deteriora- ages are generally accurate in their life expectancy estimates tion and struggle in later life, there is abundant empirical [22, 23]. However, it seems likely that logical awareness support for the idea that older adults developed methods of one’s likely lifespan would differ from desired lifespan. Consistent with this notion, Cicirelli [5] had participants for adapting to the changes inherent in later life. A growing body of research suggests that older adults are increasingly report the number of years they thought they would live and focused on positive information and experiences, while number of years they would like to live. Results indicated attending less to negative information [16]. As noted above, that mid-old adults (75–84), although probabilistically closer the literature [1–4] also suggests that older adults generally to death, reported a greater discrepancy between the two Journal of Aging Research 3 estimates, suggesting they wanted to live longer than they Table 1: Demographic information and individual differences. expected, compared to a young-old (60–74) group asked to Young-Old Old-Old Overall make the same estimates. Although this study did not include M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) reminders of mortality, the assessments of both expected Age 66.38 (3.62) 77.68 (3.91) 71.44 (6.77) and desired life expectancy provide an indication of the Gender (% Female) 60 (81%) 48 (80%) 108 (81%) contrast existing between real and ideal remaining years in life. Neuroticism 7.39 (4.67) 8.48 (5.20) 7.88 (4.92) Self-esteem 3.92 (.46) 3.64 (.60) 3.80 (.54) Positive affect 3.28 (.67) 3.18 (.71) 3.23 (.69) 1.3. TMT and Neuroticism. Terror management research Negative affect 1.29 (.38) 1.49 (.49) 1.38 (.44) has shown that some people are better able to deal with indicates age differences ≤.01. death than others. One predictor of responses to reminders of death is neuroticism, a general sensitivity toward fear and anxiety, a trait which may leave highly neurotic indi- viduals less capable of effectively defending against death- 2. Method related anxiety. Indeed, persons high in neuroticism exhibit exaggerated responses to MS, distancing themselves from A between-subjects design was used, with two groups: the the physical body [24, 25] and bodily sensations [26]. MS condition and a control condition. Random assignment Greater defensiveness in response to reminders of death to condition allowed for distribution of individual difference among highly neurotic individuals is perhaps not surprising variables and pre-existing differences in life expectancy given research suggesting that neuroticism is associated with beliefs across study conditions. Although having baseline greater immediate [27] and longer-term emotional reactivity data of participant life expectancy could be useful, it was [28], poorer coping skills [29], increased susceptibility to a not assessed because multiple measurement in a short time variety of psychological disorders [30], and greater death- period could motivate participants to appear consistent or related anxiety [31]. It is believed that the traits associated tip them off to the purpose of the study. with neuroticism leave this group less equipped to manage death-related anxiety. In addition to the role of neuroticism 2.1. Participants. Participants were recruited from an annual in terror management processes, this personality trait has mature adults’ minicollege lecture series at a liberal arts also been associated with poorer perceived health among college. Attendees expressing interest in participating were older adults [32]; it was therefore hypothesized that neu- given questionnaire packets to complete at home. Of 160 roticism would be related to older individuals’ subjective life distributed, 134 completed packets were returned (84%). expectancy estimates and responses to increased awareness of Participants ranged in age from 57 to 87 years old (M = mortality. 71.44, SD = 6.77). The sample included 26 men and 108 women. Men (M = 70.88, SD = 6.69) and women (M = 1.4. The Present Study. The present study examined effects of 71.57, SD = 6.81) did not differ in age, P = .64. (Inclusion death reminders on older adults’ subjective life expectancy of participant sex did not alter analyses reported; there was estimates and the potential moderating roles of age and no main effect for sex, nor did this variable interact with neuroticism. Bearing in mind Erikson’s [33]proposition prime, age, and neuroticism, Ps >.11 for life expectancy that the final stages of life are distinctively different from estimates, positive affect, negative affect, and self-esteem.) early and midlife, we considered the possibility that old-old See Table 1 for sample characteristics. participants’ (73 to 87 years old) responses to MS would differ compared with young-old participants (57–72 years old). Aside from the intuitive prediction that young-old 2.2. Procedure. To prevent participants from speculating about the purpose of the study, they were told the study con- would expect to live longer than old-old participants, we had no strong expectations about age groups’ reactions to MS, cerned the personality and attitudes of older adults. Packets but suspected that old-old persons are more accepting of were distributed in sealed envelopes, so experimenters were death and would therefore be less likely to respond to MS blind to conditions. Participants were randomly assigned to with longer life expectancy estimates. either the MS (N = 73) or pain conditions (N = 61); groups We did however, have clear hypotheses about the moder- did not differ in age (P = .46) or gender (P = .42). ating role of neuroticism. Based on findings indicating that Participants first completed the 23-item neuroticism sub- highly neurotic individuals show exaggerated defensiveness scale of the Eysenck Personality Inventory [36]. Participants following reminders of morality [24–26], we predicted that indicated agreement with a variety of statements (e.g., Would participants reporting higher levels of neuroticism would be you call yourself tense or “highly-strung”?) with yes or no. more likely to respond to MS by distancing themselves from Yes responses were scored as 1, and no responses scored as death via longer predicted life expectancies because their 0, for a possible range of scores from 0 to 23; higher scores anxiety-buffering systems are typically weaker than individ- indicate greater neuroticism (M = 7.88, SD = 4.92). This uals low in neuroticism, and highly neurotic individuals are measure (α = .85) served the dual purpose of assessing the more likely to use avoidance-oriented coping mechanisms hypothesized moderating variable as well as supporting the [34, 35]. cover story. 4 Journal of Aging Research Next, participants completed the two open-ended ques- 28 tions for the MS manipulation. MS participants responded to the questions “Please briefly describe the emotions that the thought of your own death arouses in you” and “Jot down, as specifically as you can, what you think will happen to you as you physically die and once you are physically dead.” Control participants responded to parallel questions (“Please briefly describe the emotions that the thought of experiencing intense physical pain arouse in you” and “Jot down, as specifically as you can, what you think will happen to you as you experience intense physical pain”). Physical pain was selected as a control because it is a negative experience that does not involve death. These questions Low neuroticism High neuroticism increase the accessibility of, or prime, thoughts related to MS mortality or the experience of physical pain. Indeed, previous Pain research reveals that MS questions have reliably proven to increase death-thought accessibility as well as defen- Figure 1: Life expectancy estimates as a function of mortality salience and neuroticism among old-old adults. Note that scores sive responses, whereas questions regarding pain have not indicate estimated remaining years to live. [11, 37]. Participants then completed the 60-item Expanded Pos- itive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS-X) [38], indicat- ing on a scale of 1 (very slightly or not at all) to 5 (extremely), the extent to which they were experiencing listed emotions was dummy-coded, and continuous variables, age and neu- (e.g., interested, ashamed) “at the present moment.” Scales roticism were centered at the mean. Main effects were entered of both positive (α = .78) and negative affect (α = .85) in step 1 (ΔR = .39, P< .01), two-way interactions in step 2 had acceptable reliability. They also completed the 20-item (ΔR = .06, P< .01), and the three-way interaction in step 3 2 2 State Self-Esteem Scale [39], indicating on a scale of 1 (not (ΔR = .03, P< .01). For the full model, adjusted R = .46, at all) to 5 (extremely) the extent to which they agreed P< .01. with 20 statements relating to self-esteem (e.g. “I feel that Main effects were observed for age, B =−.70, SE = .08, others respect and admire me.”; α = .89). Mean scores t =−8.81, P< .01 ( r = .37), and neuroticism, partial were calculated for affect and self-esteem, with resulting B =−.22, SE = .11, t =−1.99, P = .05 ( = partial possible scores ranging from 1 to 5. Although affect and .03);advancedage andhigherlevelsofneuroticism predicted self-esteem are not typically affected by MS in studies with shorter subjective life expectancy. Participants in the MS younger adults, we included these measures because little condition reported marginally lower life expectancy than is known about MS effects among older adults. Further, those in the control condition, P = .11. because life expectancy estimation has not been used as a These main effects were qualified by a significant MS × dependent variable in TMT research, assessments of affect neuroticism interaction, B = .73, SE = .21, t = 3.50, and self-esteem allowed us to examine its relationship to P< .01 ( r = .09), and the predicted significant three- partial these variables. The two measures also provided a delay way interaction, B =−.08, SE = .03, t =−2.90, P< and distraction before the dependent variable to reduce the .01 ( = .06). To explore this three-way interaction, partial likelihood of participants making an explicit connection we assessed the MS × neuroticism interaction separately between the MS induction and dependent measure. for young-old (57–72, M = 66.38, SD = 3.62) and old- Participants then reported their gender and age. Lastly, old participants (73–87, M = 77.68, SD = 3.91). This for our primary dependent variable, participants were asked analysis revealed no effects among old-old participants, to indicate “To what age do you expect to live?” They then Ps >.50. Among young-old, there was a tendency for attended a lecture given as a portion of the course they were higher neuroticism to predict shorter life expectancy (P = enrolled in, which included a debriefing and discussion of the .06), and the predicted MS × neuroticism interaction was study. significant, B = .61, SE = .32, t = 4.42, P< .01 ( r = .22). Thus old-old participants’ life expectancy partial estimates were not affected by MS or neuroticism; see 3. Results Figure 1. 3.1. Life Expectancy. The primary dependent variable, Among young-old participants, high neuroticism was remaining life expectancy, was created by subtracting current associated with lower life expectancies: in the control condi- age from estimated life expectancy. For example, a 65-year- tion this relationship was statistically significant, B =−.94, old estimating she will live to 85 would receive a score of 20. SE = .18, t =−5.15, P< .01, but in the MS condition it fell Life expectancy served as a dependent variable in hierarchical short of significance, B = .45, SE = .26, t = 1.72, P = .09. To regression analyses with MS condition, age, neuroticism, test our primary hypotheses about the effect of MS on high and resulting two- and three-way interactions as predictors. and low neurotics, we assessed the effect of MS separately Following Aiken and West’s [40] methods, the MS variable at 1 SD above and 1 SD below the neuroticism mean [34]. Life expectancy estimate Journal of Aging Research 5 28 4. Discussion The present results suggest that the way older adults cope with increased proximity to death depends on both age and neuroticism. Except for those in the high neurotic control group, old-old participants predicted fewer remaining years of life than young-old participants. Young-old partici- pants with lower levels of neuroticism responded to death 14 reminders with lower estimates of life expectancy. Among young-old adults, this arguably more adaptive personality type seems to allow for less defensive responses to reminders of mortality. On the other hand, young-old adults who were high in Low neuroticism High neuroticism neuroticism responded to MS with longer life expectancy MS estimates. This is consistent with research linking high Pain levels of neuroticism to the use of avoidance as a defense mechanism [34, 35] and especially defensive responses to Figure 2: Life expectancy estimates as a function of mortality salience and neuroticism among young-old adults. Note that scores reminders of mortality among younger adults [24–26]. indicate estimated remaining years to live. Neuroticism predicts both poorer perceived health [32]and greater susceptibility to anxiety disorders [41]among older adults. This is likely reflected in the control condition, in which more neurotic participants generally reported a lower Among low neurotic young-old individuals, MS decreased life expectancy. With poorer perceived health and more life expectancy estimates, B =−5.80, SE = 2.02, t =−2.87, anxieties, a lower life expectancy may be expected for highly P< .01. However, consistent with our primary hypothesis, neurotic individuals. For the young-old, this difference among high neurotic young-old participants, MS leads to between low and high neurotics was eliminated because the longer life expectancy estimates, B = 7.93, SE = 2.24, t = high neurotics increased their life expectancy estimate after 3.55, P< .01, see Figure 2. The finding that neuroticism was MS. These findings are consistent with our interpretation of generally associated with reporting lower life expectancies the MS-induced increase in life expectancy among young- appears consistent with previous findings that neuroticism is old participants in the present study being a proximal terror associated with poorer perceived health among older adults management defense to avoid the problem of death. As [32]. However, the finding that high neurotic young-old predicted, high neurotic young-old adults increased their participants were the only group to respond to MS with life expectancy estimates in the present study, presum- increased life expectancy estimates suggests that they are also ably because they lack adequate anxiety-buffering mecha- especially defensive in this regard when thoughts of death are nisms. The present results suggest that, generally speaking, primed. high neurotic young-old adults have lower subjective life Looked at differently, young-old participants reported expectancy than their less neurotic counterparts; however, greater life expectancies than old-old participants in all but reminders of mortality activate the defensive reaction of one condition (Ps <.01), high neuroticism control (P = increasing their life expectancy estimates. .15). Reminders of death seemed to counteract this tendency Interestingly, old-old participants did not show this by activating death-denying responses that elevated young- defensive response to MS, regardless of neuroticism level. It is old high neurotics’ life expectancy estimates above those certainly easy to imagine a well-adjusted (i.e., low neurotic) of old-old high neurotic participants, P< .01, but still old-old individual accepting the reality of mortality and not to the level of low neurotic young-old participants, being less impacted by reminders of it, as found among P = .09. young-old low neurotic participants in this study. The fact that highly neurotic old-old participants in the present study were also unaffected by reminders of death suggests that 3.2. Affect and Self-Esteem. One-way analysis of variance was with highly advanced age, people may become increasingly used to test for possible effects of MS on positive and negative accepting of their mortality and thus less likely to engage in affect and self-esteem, and revealed no MS effects on positive defensive denial. It may also be that increasing life expectancy affect (P = .97) or self-esteem (P = .74). Participants in the was simply implausible for persons of this age group. The MS condition tended to report higher negative affect (P = implausibility of denial may play a role in promoting death .06). Treating positive and negative affect and self-esteem acceptance. as covariates in regression analyses did not significantly influence the reported results concerning life expectancy; the Taken as a whole, the present results suggest that the process of aging and the associated more frequent reminders three way interaction remained significant, P = .02. Positive affect was positively related to life expectancy estimates, B = of mortality provide motivation for young-old adults low .28, SE = .94, t = 3.42, P< .01, whilenegativeaffect was in neuroticism to strive for death acceptance, or at the very negatively related to these estimates, B =−.19, SE = 1.46, least, sober realism, as reflected in their shorter estimates t =−2.19, P< .05. of life expectancy following MS. However, those in the Life expectancy estimate 6 Journal of Aging Research young-old range with higher levels of neuroticism may lack process of moving from stage to stage is a gradual process similar psychological resources and therefore attempt to rather than a discrete transition. The present finding that distance themselves from death via longer life expectancy neuroticism predicts defensive responses to MS in young- ratings. Yet among old-old individuals, neuroticism was no old but not old-old adults, suggests that advancing age longer predictive of defensive reactions to MS. This could may encourage changes in coping even among neurotic reflect a relinquishing of efforts to defend, or perhaps with persons who were resistant to such changes in their younger highly advanced age, neurotic individuals develop different, years. untapped methods for coping with death-related anxiety. Additional research will be needed to determine whether the present results reflect acceptance of death or a switch to other 4.1. Limitations and Future Directions. Due to the fact that types of defenses. the study was conducted in a large group as part of an Erikson [33] suggested that in later life, people con- educational program, we were unable to conduct cognitive template the fundamental nature of their existence. He screens. It would be helpful to be able to link participants’ maintained that in the eighth stage of development, people results to their level of cognitive functioning, or at least have enter a period characterized by either ego integrity or despair. definitive information showing that cognitive functioning He described ego integrity as an acceptance of the life led and was not playing a role in the present results. Health awareness that death is a natural part of life; these individuals information could also be of interest regarding its impact would presumably respond less defensively to reminders of on life expectancy estimates, as subjective health ratings have mortality. Others may experience despair, characterized by been shown to predict desired length of life expectancy [22]. fearfulness that life is coming to a close and an inability We feel confident that the individuals participating in this to identify a coherent sense of purpose and/or achievement study were highly functioning and healthy older adults, as all in their lives. Although a direct measurement of Erikson’s were participating in a lecture series involving transportation concepts of ego integrity and despair was not included in to campus and attendance at three lectures a day, one day the present study, persons with high levels of neuroticism per week, over the course of 6 weeks. Participants also seem less likely to achieve ego integrity. Erikson’s suggestion initiated participation in the study and were actively engaged that despair is characterized by fearfulness, some of which is in the educational program at which they were recruited. specific to death [33], and research linking neuroticism to the Indeed, the high functioning nature of our sample most fear of death [31], are consistent with the possibility that a likely offers a picture of healthy aging processes, which lack of ego integrity among high neurotics might play a role may limit the generalizability of our results to less healthy in the present results. Indeed, young-old participants high older adults. Any variability in functioning or health would in neuroticism displayed defensive distancing from death likely be distributed evenly across conditions due to random that might reflect what Erikson identified as a lack of ego assignment. Ideally, we would also have more demographic integrity. Conversely, people with lower levels of neuroticism and personal information, allowing assessment of whether predicted shorter life spans following reminders of death, variables such as socioeconomic status, health, and religious implying the potential acceptance of life’s end. beliefs affect responses to MS. However, the homogeneous The present findings suggest that with truly advanced nature of the participant pool and their overall high level age, such as the old-old participants in the present study, of functioning suggest there were likely to be relatively little neuroticism no longer predicts responses to MS. Joan variability on these dimensions. Further, in previous TMT Erikson’s subsequent addition of a ninth stage [42]may studies with older adults, we have not found socioeconomic help explain this diminishing role of neuroticism toward status, health, or religious beliefs to have significant impact the end of life. In the proposed ninth stage, which emerges on results [18–20]. in very old age, individuals must cope with the extreme Another potential limitation may be our control condi- physical changes experienced in the late 80s and beyond. tion. Although research with younger adults indicates that During this stage, people consider the larger meaning of life, priming thoughts of physical pain produces effects similar rather than focusing on one’s own individual life. Erikson to that of neutral primes [11, 37], it may be that thinking described this as a time involving serious reflection on about the experience of physical pain is different for older, personal death, which may include acute awareness of the compared to younger adults, because they are more likely likely causes of one’s own passing. It may be that at this point to have health problems that involve physical pain. If their in development, even neurotic individuals move toward physical pain is associated with a debilitating or potentially greater acceptance of death. fatal disease process, thinking of this pain may subsequently It is important to point out, though, that the old- elicit reminders of death. However, a content analysis of old group in the present study was largely composed of participants’ responses to the pain salience induction found individuals slightly younger than those expected to be in that only six participants mentioned death-related problems the ninth stage as defined by Erikson (20 participants were or concepts, and these were no more frequent among old-old 80 and older, and 4 were 85 and older). It seems likely, neurotic participants than the other groups. 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